In contempt of… the Truth!

Alemayehu G. Mariam ǀ September 28, 2009

Commenting recently on an International Crisis Group (ICG) study dealing with rising ethnic tensions and dissent in advance of the “May 2010” elections, Ethiopia’s arch dictator wisecracked, “This happens as some people have too many billions of dollars to spend and they feel that dictating how, particularly, the developing countries manage their affairs is their God given right and to use their God given money to that purpose. They are entitled to their opinion as we are entitled to ours.” The dictator’s opinion of the ICG and its findings was predictably boorish: “The analysis (ICG report) is not worth the price of or the cost of writing it up,” he harangued. “We have only contempt for the ICG. You do not respond to something you only have contempt for.” The dictator boasted that his “ethnic federalism” policy had saved the “country [which] was on the brink of total disintegration.” He marshaled anonymous authorities to support his fabricated claim that he is the redeemer of the nation: “Every analyst worth his salt was suggesting that Ethiopia will go the way of Yugoslavia or the Soviet Union. What we have now is a going-concern." Daniela Kroslak, ICG’s Deputy Director of the Africa Program, denied the dictator’s wild and bizarre denunciations. At any rate, the dictator’s criticism was a “tale full of sound and fury signifying nothing,” as Shakespeare might have said. He had not read the report! Why? Because it “was not worthy of [his] time.” The dictator unabashedly criticizes a report he had not even read-- a textbook case of argumentum ad ignorantiam (argument to ignorance). In other words, because the report is “not worth the cost of the paper it is written on”, it is not “worthy” of being read; therefore, it is false and contemptible.) Trashing a report completed by a respected international think-tank (ICG provides regular advice to governments, and intergovernmental bodies like the United Nations, the European Union and the World Bank) and heaping contempt on its authors is a poor substitute for a rigorous, reasoned and factually-supported refutation of the report’s findings, analysis and arguments.Truth be told, contempt is the emotional currency of the dictator. ICG just happens to be the latest object of the dictator’s wrathful contempt. The dictator’s record over the past two decades shows that he has total contempt for truth, the Ethiopian people, the rule of law, human rights, the free press, an independent judiciary, dissenters, opposition leaders and parties, popular sovereignty, the ballot box, clean elections, international human rights organizations, international law, international public opinion, Western donors who demand accountability, and even his own supporters who disagree with him and his flunkeys…The Evidence: Does the ICG and Its Report Deserve Contempt or Credit?The ICG report is balanced, judicious, honest and meticulously documented. Entitled, “Ethiopia: Ethnic Federalism and Its Discontents” (29 pages without appendix, and an astonishing 315 scholarly and other original source references for such a short report), the report “applauds” the dictator’s constitution for its “commitment to liberal democracy and respect for political freedoms and human rights.” It credits the dictatorship for “stimulating economic growth and expanding public services”. The study even approvingly notes the “proliferation of political parties” under the dictatorship’s watch.The report is not a whitewash. It also points out failures. The most glaring failure is the radical political “restructuring” engendered by “ethnic federalism” to “redefine citizenship, politics and identity on ethnic grounds.” The study suggests that the “intent [of “ethnic federalism”] was to create a more prosperous, just and representative state for all its people.” However, the result has been the development of “an asymmetrical federation that combines populous regional states like Oromiya and Amhara in the central highlands with sparsely populated and underdeveloped ones like Gambella and Somali.” Moreover, “ethnic federalism” has created “weak regional states”, “empowered some groups” and failed to resolve the “national question”. Aggravating the underlying situation has been the dictatorship’s failure to promote “dialogue and reconciliation” among groups in Ethiopian society, further fueling “growing discontent with the EPRDF’s ethnically defined state and rigid grip on power and fears of continued inter-ethnic conflict.”The ICG report implicitly criticizes the opposition as well. It notes that they are “divided and disorganized” and unable to publicly show that they could overcome “EPDRF’s” claim that they are not “qualified to take power via the ballot box.” As a result, the 2010 elections “most probably will be much more contentious, as numerous opposition parties are preparing to challenge the EPRDF, which is likely to continue to use its political machine to retain its position.” The study also addresses the role of the international community, which it claims “has ignored or downplayed all these problems.” The donor community is specifically criticized for lacking objective and balanced perspective as they “appear to consider food security more important than democracy in Ethiopia, but they neglect the increased ethnic awareness and tensions created by the regionalisation policy and their potentially explosive consequences.” The report does not even spare the defunct Derg regime, which historically was responsible for “repression, failed economic policy and forced resettlement and ‘villagisation’.”Of course, none of the foregoing is known to those who are willfully ignorant of the report, but have chosen to preoccupy their minds with hubris, hypocrisy, arrogance and contempt for the truth. Opinion versus FactsThe dictator said, “They (ICG) are entitled to their opinion as we are entitled to ours.” That is true. But as the common saying goes, “Everyone is entitled to his own opinions, but not his own facts.” The facts on the dictatorship and “ethnic federalism” are infamous and incontrovertible. It is not a matter of opinion, but hard fact, that after the 2005 elections the dictator unleashed security forces under his personal control to undertake a massive “crackdown on the opposition [that] demonstrated the extent to which the regime is willing to ignore popular protest and foreign criticism to hold on to power.” It is a proven fact by the dictator’s own Inquiry Commission, not opinion, that his “security forces killed almost 200 civilians (the real number is many times that) and arrested an estimated 30,000 opposition supporters”. It is a plain fact that “there is growing discontent with the EPRDF’s ethnically defined state and rigid grip on power and fears of continued inter-ethnic conflict.” It is an undeniable fact that the dictatorship has caused “continuous polarisation of national politics that has sharpened tensions between and within parties and ethnic groups since the mid-1990s. The EPRDF’s ethnic federalism has not dampened conflict, but rather increased competition among groups that vie over land and natural resources, as well as administrative boundaries and government budgets.” It is a fact just as sure as the sun will rise tomorrow that “Without genuine multi-party democracy, the tensions and pressures in Ethiopia’s polities will only grow, greatly increasing the possibility of a violent eruption that would destabilise the country and region.” It is true the dictator is entitled to his own opinion, but not his own facts!The Art of DistractionWhat could possibly be “contemptible” about the ICG report? The obvious way to counter a report by a respected international think-tank is by presenting countervailing evidence that undermines confidence in the report’s findings and conclusions. But the dictator opts for something proverbially attributed to the legal profession: “When the law is against you, argue the facts. When the facts are against you, argue the law. When both are against you, pound the table and attack and abuse the plaintiff.” In this case, when you can’t handle the facts and the truth, throw a fit, make a scene, vilify the ICG, demonize the individual authors, demean the report with cheap shots and declare moral victory with irrational outbursts. But why throw a temper tantrum? The fact of the matter is that “ethnic federalism” is indefensible in theory or practice. The ICG report hit a raw nerve by exposing the fundamental flaws in the dictatorship’s phony “ethnic federalism” ideology. The report makes it crystal clear that the scheme of “ethnic federalism” is unlikely to keep the nine ethnic-based states in orbit around the dictatorship much longer. The ICG’s reasonable fear is that over time irrepressible centripetal political contradictions deep within Ethiopian society could potentially trigger an implosion of the Ethiopian nation. This argument is logical, factually-supported and convincing. As we have previously suggested, “ethnic federalism” is a glorified nomenclature for apartheid-style Bantustans . By unloading verbal abuse and sarcasm on the ICG, the dictator is trying to divert attention from the central finding of the report: Ethnic federalism is highly likely to lead to the disintegration of the Ethiopian nation. That is what the dictator’s sound and fury is all about! What Makes for a Strong Federalism?We believe the ICG report does not go far enough in explicitly suggesting a way out of the “ethnic federalism” morass. It seems implicit in the report that if “ethnic federalism” is dissolved as a result of forceful action by the “states”, the country’s national disintegration could be accelerated. If the dictatorship fails to reform or modify it significantly, ethnic tensions will continue to escalate resulting in an inevitable upheaval. If the dictatorship escalates its use of force to keep itself in power, it could pave the way for the ultimate and inevitable collapse of the country into civil strife. All of these scenarios place the Ethiopian people on the horns of a dilemma.We believe there are important elements from the Ghanaian Constitution that could be incorporated to produce a strong and functioning federal system in Ethiopia. As we have argued before , Ghana’s 1992 Constitution provides a powerful antidote to the poison of ethnic and tribal politics: “Every political party shall have a national character, and membership shall not be based on ethnic, religious, regional or other sectional divisions.” Membership in a political party is open to “every citizen of Ghana of voting age” and every citizen has the right to “disseminate information on political ideas, social and economic programmes of a national character.” Ghanaian citizens’ political and civic life is protected by the rule of law and an independent judiciary. Citizens freely express their opinions without fear of government retaliation; and the media vociferously criticizes government policies and officials without censorship. Ghana has a strong judiciary with extraordinary constitutional powers to the point of making the failure to obey or carry out the terms of a Supreme Court order a “high crime”. Ghana’s independent electoral commission is responsible for voter registration, demarcation of electoral boundaries, conduct and oversight of all public elections and referenda and electoral education. The Commission’s decisions are respected by all political parties. These are the essential elements missing from the bogus theory of “ethnic federalism” foisted upon the people of Ethiopia. Ob la di, Ob la da…It is truly pathetic that after nearly twenty years in power the best the dictators can offer the suffering Ethiopian people is an empty plate and a bellyful of contempt, acrimony and anger. Well, ob la di, ob la da, life goes on forever! So will the Ethiopian Nation, united and strong under the rule of law and the Grace of the Almighty. If South Africa can be delivered from the plague of the Bantustans, have no doubts whatsoever that Ethiopia will also be delivered from the plague of the Kililistans!

የኢትዮጵያን ሰፊ መሬት ለሱዳን ለማስረከብ ለመስከረም 29 ቀን 2002 ዓም ተቀጠረ

Clieck here to read


Ethiopian Border Afffairs Committee
P. O. Box 9536
Colombus, OH 43209
USA
e-mail: ethiopianborders@gmail.com

ዘፍናችሁ ቅበሩኝ

ሰውን ሰው አሳዶ-ቢያሳጣው መድረሻ
ጭንቅ ብርክ አስይዞ- ፍፁም መተንፈሻ
ሚሊዮኖች ቢያልቁ- በርሃብ በበሽታ
ጦርነት ቢመረጥ- በሰላሙ ፋንታ
….
መስማማት ተጠልቶ- መናቆር ቢሞገስ
ቅዱሱ ቢረክስ- ርኩሱም ቢቀደስ
ህግ የጉልበት ሆኖ-ፍትህም ተጠልፎ
አስታራቂ ጠፍቶ- ዳኝነት ተገፍፎ
መስገብገብ ህግ ሆኖ-ሙስና ተለምዶ
ቅጥፈት ተሞካሽቶ-እውነትም ተዋርዶ
ቀማኛን ሆነና - የሚሰማ ጆሮ
ቁብ የሚለው ጠፋ- የደሃን እሮሮ
እጥፍ ድርብ ሆነ- ስቆቃው ጨመረ
አይኔን እንባ ሞላው-ልቤ ተሰበረ።
አንገቴን ደፍቸ- መሬትን እየጫርኩ
መሞት እንደምሻ- ለአምላኬ እየነገርኩ
ጸሎቴ ተሰምቶ-አርጎ ሰማይ
ሞቴ ደረስልኝ- ይህን እንዳላይ።

ዛሬ መሄጃዬ- ተራዬ ነውና
ከየመንደራችሁ-በጠዋት ውጡና
ሸኙኝ ጨፍራችሁ- በዘፈን በዜማ
ሞትን መርጫለሁ ይህን ከምሰማ።

እናቴ አታልቅሽ- አይመታ ደረት
አባቴም አትተክዝ- እኔስ ልሂድበት
ትቸው የምሄደው- የምተወው ዓለም
ከሞት የባሰ እንጅ- የተሻለ አይደለም።

ፅድቅና ኩነኔ- ቢኖርም ባይኖርም
ለእኔ እዚህ መኖሬ- ከሞት አይሻልም
እኔስ በፈጠረኝ- እመካለሁና
ህይወት ይኖረኛል- ገነት እንደገና ።

አልያም…
ሚካኤል ከበሩ- ባይቀበለኝም
አቡዬን ተክልዬን- ላያቸው ባልችልም
ገነት መግባት ቀርቶ- ገሃነም ብወርድም
ቁርጥ ያጠግባልና- አማረ አላማረም
ከመሞት መኖርን- በፍፁም አልመርጥም

የዚህ ዓለም ኑሮ- የአምሳያዬ ግፉ
ሞትን አስመረጠኝ- ተሽሎኝ ማረፉ።

እናም አታልቅሱ- አልሥማ ዋይ ዋይታ
በምትኩ አሳዩኝ- ዘፈንና እስክስታ
ክራር ጽናጽሉ-ከበሮው ይመታ
በገና ይደርደር-አስራ ሁለት ተርታ
ይነፋ ዋሽንቱ- ሳክስፎን እምቢልታ
ወንዶቹ በሆታ- ሴቶቹ በእልልታ
የዛሬን--የዛሬን- እኔን ደስ እንዲለኝ
ማልቀሱን ተውና -ዘፍናችሁ ቅበሩኝ።

ዳግማዊ ዳዊት
መስከረም 2002 ዓ.ም.
ethio_dagmawi@yahoo.com

The prisoner worthy of a liberty award

By Abebe Gellaw I September 28, 2009

The Cato Institute, a respected libertarian public policy foundation in the United States, has been searching for the fifth recipient of its liberty award. Named after the late Nobel Laureate Milton Friedman [1912-2006], the award is “presented every other year to an individual who has made a significant contribution to advance human freedom.” The Milton Friedman Prize for Advancing Liberty is a coveted award that recognizes significant efforts and sacrifices made by any individual to promote freedom in any part of the world. If any Ethiopian deserves nominations for such a prestigious award, there seems to be little doubt that Birtukan Mideksa, the former judge-turned-prisoner-of-conscience outshines so many. Freedom loving Ethiopians across the world need to show their solidarity with the heroine freedom fighter that has followed the footsteps of Ghandi, Martin Luther King and Nelson Mandela in stead of kneeling down for the rule of the unjust.
Ethiopians in the Diaspora, especially those who have escaped from barbed-wired Ethiopia to live in the free world, where evil dictators and their agents cannot threaten, shoot, jail or torture anyone, make free choices based on free will. But for people like Birtukan Mideksa and the tens of thousands of Ethiopians who have been locked up behind bars in inhuman and appalling conditions because of their passion for freedom, there is nothing called free will. They cannot choose what to do, what to eat, what to read, where and how to live. They are victims of brutal tyranny, prisoners in their own country confined in the dark corners of filthy, overcrowded and suffocating cells as a result of their unyielding passion for liberty.
In the aftermath of the historic 2005 national elections, Birtukan chose to courageously step forward to lead the popular march for freedom. Her leadership qualities and unswerving commitment to her lofty cause significantly contributed to her election as Vice President of the Coalition for Unity and Democracy. After the violent crackdowns that followed protests against wide spread election fraud, she was one of the hundreds of opposition leaders, journalists, civic activists and ordinary citizens who were detained and faced trumped-up charges of high treason, genocide and outrage against the “constitution” in November 2005. Even during that period of trials and tribulations that lasted nearly 20 months, the fearless lawyer openly challenged the Kangaroo court to prove its worth and relevance.
In her letters, articles and speeches, Birtukan has declared her readiness to offer herself as a sacrificial lamb for the freedom of the Ethiopian people suffering under the yolks of Meles Zenawi’s ethnocentric tyranny. True to her word, Birtukan Mideksa has proved her unfaltering stand as a leader of Ethiopia’s quest for freedom, justice, equal rights and democracy. The popular leader of freedom, who has been recognised by Amnesty International as prisoner of conscience, has become Ethiopia’s icon of liberty and a symbol of defiance against tyranny. Undoubtedly, there is clearly something distinct and unique about this woman of substance. In her Letter from Kaliti Jail, she wrote:
“Indeed, living behind bars is painful. I have felt pained, when hearing about the struggle of my fellow country men; for being forced to experience it all vicariously, for being near but far away from the terrain of the fight. Yet the pain ends right there. Our incarceration hasn't liquidated the spirit of freedom. Instead, it degrades those who are fighting against it into something hateful and undignified. Toughened by the crackdown on dissent and other forms of oppression, other democrats, genuinely committed to the cause of liberty, and equality are emerging.”
A single mum of five-year old Hale, Birtukan never committed a crime. Her passionate and truthful words that always insist on the end of a corrupt dictatorship messing up Ethiopia were enough to have her condemned to life imprisonment without due process. During her visit in Sweden in November 2008, she spoke the truth about the fact that she and the other high profile prisoners of conscience were released as a result of a political deal struck by the Elders Council, international and local pressures. That was true and accurate. Her assertion was even confirmed by the U.S. Department of State.
In its 2008 Country Report on Human Rights in Ethiopia, it stated: “On December 29, Unity for Democracy and Justice Party president Birtukan Mideksa was rearrested for accurately telling European media organizations that she had not requested from the government a pardon leading to her release from jail in July 2007.”
The reason why the report used the adverbial assertion “accurately” was because U.S. diplomats were part of the diplomatic process conducted through the “Elders Council” that negotiated a deal to have the high profile prisoners including Britukan released.
Where there is tyranny, whose foundation is nothing but brutality, corruption, crimes, falsehood and deceit, the truth has always been subversive. Birtukan has always been a true believer in the unyielding spirit of freedom. Shortly after her release in October 2007, she appeared before the U.S. Congress, Subcommittee on Global Health and Africa to give her testimony in which she expressed her hope that the time is ripe for change. “It will not be easy for all of us to confront the past. We must try to embrace the rule of law and respect for human rights and democracy. The time is ripe for democratization in Ethiopia.” When she uttered those words, Birtukan knew the sacrifices awaiting her in the struggle to replace inhuman despotism with democracy. It is for this very fact that Birtukan has willingly and courageously faced hardship and suffering in stead of the tyrant’s call for surrender.
Should Birtukan be chosen as a recipient of the 2010 Milton Friedman Prize for Advancing Liberty, she will receive $500,000. More importantly, the award will raise wider awareness on Ethiopia’s agony under dictatorship. It will also boost the effort to secure Birtukan’s release. Not only that, her immeasurable sacrifice and that of her elderly mum and four year old daughter will gain global recognition and attention. The prize awarding ceremony will be held in May 2010 in Washington DC, coinciding with the 5th anniversary of the historic May 2005 elections that irreparably cracked the foundations of tyranny in Ethiopia.
I call upon all freedom loving Ethiopians, in and outside of the country, to let the awarding committee know that the courageous Birtukan Mideksa deserves the 2010 Milton Friedman Prize for Advancing Liberty as a towering symbol of Ethiopia’s resistance and defiance against tyranny in the unfinished march toward freedom.
Every little voice, if unified, can become a powerful clarion call hard to ignore. To nominate Birtukan Mediksa online, please click here
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Related links
The unknown Aung San Suu Kyi, By Abebe Gellaw
Letter from Kaliti jail, By Birtuakn Mideksa
In defence of Birtukan Mideksa, By Alemayehu G. Mariam
My word, By Birtukan Mideksa
Ethiopia: 2008 Human Rights Report, U.S Department of State
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The writer is a fellow at the Hoover Institution and visiting scholar at the Center on Democracy, Development and Rule of Law [CDDRL], Stanford University. He also advises the Free Birtukan and All Political Prisoners Task Force. He can be reached at abebe@stanford.edu.

Author defends ICG report from Meles Zenawi's attacks

(Posted by Ethiomedia)By Tizita Belachew, Voice of America (VOA) September 18, 2009
WASHINGTON - Daniela Kroslak replied to Prime Minister Meles Zenawi's recent dismissal of the International Conflict Group's "Ethiopia: Ethnic Federalism and Its Discontents," by pointing out that he thought it was important enough to read it.
In a press conference last week, the prime minister cited an Ethiopian proverb that suggested the report was not worthy of his time. In the press conference for Ethiopia's Amharic media, Meles questioned the motives of the funders of ICG and said the report, which was written by ICG's Nairobi office staff, was biased because it was written by an Eritrean.
Kroslak told VOA's Tizita Belachew for the Amharic service's Democracy feature that the Eritrean left the staff a year ago and was not an author of the report. She denied the Eritrean had any involvement in the report and said the organizations who fund ICG's work are listed on the ICG web site.
ICG's funders include the foreign ministries or foreign aid agencies of Australia, Belgium, Canada, the Czech Republic, Denmark, Holland, Japan, New Zealand, Norway, Switzerland, Turkey, the United Arab Emirates, the United Kingdom and the United States; and 10 major private foundations including the Open Society, the Rockefeller Brothers Fund, the Carnegie Corporation of New York and the William and Flora Hewlett Foundation.
The report analyzes the transformation of Ethiopia's political system, which is dominated by the Ethiopian Peoples' Revolutionary Democratic Front and led by Meles, the party's chairman and the nation's president or prime minister for the past 18 years. ICG says the government tried to create a more prosperous, just and representative state for all its people by doing away with a centralized state of the 1980s and redefining citizenship, politics and identity on ethnic grounds.
Driven by fear of continued ethnic conflict, however, the government has fostered domestic political discontent, the report says. The authors conclude that without "a genuine multi-party democracy, the tensions will only grow, greatly increasing the possibility of a violent eruption that would destabilize the country and region."
Meles says ethnic violence claim is contemptible
By Barry Malone
ADDIS ABABA, Sept 17 (Reuters) - Ethiopia's prime minister has denounced a think-tank report that warned his country could descend into ethnic violence ahead of its first national election since a 2005 poll triggered deadly street clashes.
In a study last week, the International Crisis Group (ICG) said there was a risk of conflict ahead of the ballot scheduled for May 2010 because of rising ethnic tensions and dissent.
Prime Minister Meles Zenawi rejected that.
"Some people have too many billions of dollars to spend and they feel that dictating how developing countries manage their affairs is their God-given right," he said late on Wednesday.
"We have only contempt for the ICG."
The Horn of Africa nation's last elections four years ago were touted as its first truly democratic polls. But they ended in protests and bloodshed after the government declared victory and the opposition accused it of rigging the result.
Police and soldiers killed about 200 people who had taken to the streets to demonstrate. At the time, Meles accused the protesters of trying to topple his government.
CRITICISES OPPOSITION
Rights groups regularly accuse Ethiopia's government of cracking down on political opponents. One party leader has been jailed and several former and serving military officers have been charged in recent months with plotting a coup.
In a news conference on Wednesday, Meles defended the country's system of "ethnic federalism", under which major ethnic groups control the regions where they are the majority. He said it had saved the giant nation from splitting apart.
"The country was on the brink of total disintegration," the prime minister said. "Every analyst worth his salt was suggesting that Ethiopia will go the way of Yugoslavia or the Soviet Union. What we have now is a going-concern."
Meles has started talks with the opposition about a code of conduct for the next poll. But the main coalition of opposition parties said last week it had walked out of the discussions and that its potential candidates were being jailed and harassed.
"Those parties that apparently are concerned about harassment are not concerned enough to participate in the devising of a code of conduct that is designed to put an end to it, if it exists, or to prevent it if it doesn't," Meles said.
"The intent of these individuals is to discredit the election process from day one, not to participate in it." (Editing by Daniel Wallis)

የሶፋው ጄነራል

ከሰዓት በኋላ- አንድ እሁድ በበቴ
ቡና እየተፈላ- መጥተው ጎረበቴ
ወሬው ደርቶ ሳለ- ቡናው እየፈላ
ሃሳብ ስንጋራ- በተራ በተራ
የአገር ነገር መጣ- ወሬው ተጀመረ
እንደ አዲስ ጀመርነው- ልክ እንዳልነበረ።

“ይህ አገር አስገንጣይ- ይኸ ዘረ-ባንዳ
የአገር ጥቅምን ጎድቶ-ያደረ ለባዳ
በጎሳ ከፋፍሎ- ህዝብን ያናከሰ
አሁንስ መውደቂያው- መሄጃው ደረስ
ሸክ ሁሴን እንዳሉት- እንደተነበዩት
ብን ብሎ ይጠፋል- መቸም አይሰነብት።”

ብዬ ሳስተጋባ- እንድተለመደው
የወያኔን መንግስት ልንጠው- ልንደው
እኝህ ጎረቤቴ- እኝህ አባ ጎንጥ
በትዝብት አይተውኝ- ዘወር አርገው የጎሪጥ

“ኤድያ ..
ይህን ስትናገር- እኔም ሳዳምጥህ
ሴት ልጅህ ተወልዳ- ኮሌጅ ገባችልህ
ህፃን ልጇን ወልዳ- አያት አረገችህ
አንድም አትዋጋ- ወይ አርፈህ አትተኛ
ወይ ጸሎት አታደርግ- ለላይኛው ዳኛ
የያዘህ ይመስል- አስለፍልፍ መጋኛ
ሃያ ዓመት አለፈህ- ይህን ስታወራ
ሃገር ነፃ አትሆን- በባዶ ፉከራ።”

ብለው ሲጨርሱ- ዶ/ር ቀጠል አርገው
መናገር ጀመሩ- ጉሮሮን ጠራርገው
“እንደዚህ ዓይነቱ- የሁከት ዘመቻ
አርገው አይቁጠሩት- ችግር ለኛ ብቻ
የዓለሙ ኃያላን- የዚህ ምድር ጌታ
በታሪክ አልፈዋል- ልክ በኛ ቦታ
ዋናው ቁም ነገሩ- ማስተዋል ያለብን
ቁብ የሌለው መሪ- በህዝብ የሚጨክን
ትቶ እንዳያልፍ ነው- የታሪክ ጠባሳ
ለሚመጣው ትውልድ -የሚተርፍ አበሳ
አባቶች ነገስታት- የምንወዳቸው
አገር ወዳዶቹ- ታሪክ ዘካሪያቸው
እነደመልካም ሁሉ- መጥፎ ተግባራቸው
እሳቱ ተረፈን- ይኸው ልጆቻቸው
ትናንት ጎበናን -ምንልይክን ሲሉ
እግዚኦ ሲባልበት-ቦሩ ሜዳ ሁሉ
ራስ ሚካኤል ላይ-ሲፈስ ፀበሉ
ነገሥ “መለስ” ሲባል- ልጆች ምን ይላሉ?
ስለዚህ እንበርታ- የእኛን እንወጣ
እኛው በእኛ እንፍታው-ያለብንን ጣጣ
ችግሩን አያውቀው- ባዕድ ብናመጣ።”

ከመቀመጫየ- ተቁነጠነጥኩና
እናገር ጀመረ- ይኸው እንደገና።
“ይልቅስ ህዝባችን- ምንድን ነው የነካው
እስከዛሬ ድረስ- ዝም ብሎ የሚያየው?
አሁን ቃል እንግባ- ዛሬስ እንማማል
ባባቶች በእናቶች- ባባ ጎንጥ መሃል
ይህን አረመኔ- ይኸ ዲያቢሎስ
ዝም እንዴት ተባለ- እስካሁን ድረስ?
አዛውንት የገፋ- ህፃን የገደለ
አገር የበተነ- ደሃ የበደለ
ያከትማል ዘንድሮ- “ይለያል ዘንድሮ”
ያገር ገንጣዩ ልክ- “የወያኔው ኑሮ”
ተነሱ እንነሳ- እንዝመት ሁላችን
ከመለስ አገዛዝ -ትፅዳ ሀገራችን።”

ዘራፍ አልኩኝ እኔ- እንደተለመደው
የወያኔን መንግስት- ልንጠው ልንደው።

ያጤኑት ሳይመስለኝ-ይህን ፉክራዬን
ትናንትና ዛሬ- ያነበነብኩትን
ከሶፋየ ሳልርቅ- የማስተጋባውን
እማሆይ እናቴ- ሰልችቷቸው ኖሮ
ያሰሙ ቀጠሉ- ወቀሳና ሮሮ።
“አንተ ስትወለድ- ጾታ ሲጠይቁኝ
“ሴት” አለማለቴ- አሁን ነው የቆጨኝ
እንደ ቁጡ ሴቶች- ወገብክን ባትይዝም
መለፍለፍ ስትጀምር- ጭራሹን አታንስም
ሁሌ እዚህ ሶፋ ላይ- እግርህ ተዘርግቶ
ሰው ወሬ ሲጀምር- ከዚህ ሳሎን ገብቶ
የምትለፈልፈው- የምትፎክረውን
በነጋ በመሸ- ያነበነብከውን
ተንትኘ እናዳልነግርህ- አንድ በአንድ ሁሉንም
ዛሬ ይቅርና -ነገ አልጨርሰውም
እንዲያው ባይነገር- ወሬው ባይቦካ
የኔ ልጅ ጦረኛው- ሸፍቶ አማሪካ
ገዳይ ጦብያ ምድር- መሃል መንዝ ጫካ።”

ከት ብሎ ሳቀና- የሃያ ዓመት ጓዴ
ያምሰው ጀመረ- ያለውን በሆዴ
“እማማን ይስማልን- እግዜር ይባርክልን
ለዚህ ለወንድሜ- ልኩን ነገሩልን
እኮ ዘራፍ ማለት- ሽህ ማይል ርቆ
ጠላት እስኪሳለቅ- የራቀ ልብ አውቆ
አፍህ አላረፈ -ወይ ውጊያን አልጀመርክ
አለህ ከዚህ ሶፋ- “ዘራፍ ዘራፍ” እንዳልክ
የሶፋው ጄነራል- የስታርባክሱ ማርሻል
ከአንተ ዘራፍ ማለት- ዝም ያለ ሰው ይሻል
ወይ ደፍረህ ግባበት- ከመንዝ ተራራ
ገስግስ ወደ ሶማ- ዝመት ወደ አስመራ
በድል እንድትፎከር- እኛም እንድንኮራ።”

ይኸ ጓደኛዬ- የልብ አዋቂው
እውነትነት አለው -የተናገረው
ሶፋ ላይ ስፎከር- ሃያ አመት ሆነው
ፉከራ ብቻ ነው- እርሱም የሰማው
“የሶፋ ጄነራል”- እርሱም ሲያንሰኝ ነው
መቸ ይሆን ቃሌን ተግብሬ እማየው?


ዳግማዊ ዳዊት
መስከረም 2002 ዓ.ም.
Ethio_dagmawi@yahoo.com

Ethiopian War Heroes honored in Washington DC

(Posted on Ethiomedia) Special Report by the North America Organizing Committee to Honor Ethiopian Heroes September 15, 2009

Committee announces plan to erect a monument in memory of the tens of thousands of the former armed forces who gave the ultimate in defense of Ethiopia’s unity

WASHINGTON - Several hundred Ethiopians over packed the hall of Trinity Church located at 6000 Georgia Ave, NW, Washington, DC. They were anxiously awaiting the arrival of the 2009 honorees of the event, Brig General Tesfaye Habte Mariam and Brig General Kassaye Chemeda.

Inside the hall, a huge banner over the podium reads: Ye Jegnotch Mishit (Evening of Ethiopian Heroes). Large poster-size, colorful photos of the heroic Generals, Tesfaye Habte Mariam on the left side and that of Gen Kassaye Chemeda on the right hand side, in full military uniform, are embossed on the banner. At the entrance, two large posters are placed on the wall. The writings are in gold on a black background. They are tribute to and representative list of Ethiopian Heroes who gave the ablest leadership to the former armed forces, those who died while heroically fighting in the eastern and northern fronts in defense of Ethiopian unity and territorial integrity. Among those listed, there are names of those members of the armed forces who are still alive. These are representative names from the Army, Airforce, Navy, and the Police commando forces of the former Ethiopian armed forces.

In the entrance area too, members of the former armed forces and members of the organizing committee dressed in jet black suits, white shirts and red tie were greeting and sitting Ethiopians coming to attend the event. Other members of the committee were displaying on a table of items prepared for the occasion, including books written by both generals, Ye Tor Meda Wullo (Reminiscences of the Battlefield) among others.

At 9:00 P.M, as General Tesfaye Habte Mariam and General Kassaye Chemda arrived and entered the hall; they were given salute by three members of the former Army, Navy, and Air force, dressed in their respective uniforms with a military marsh in the background. General Tesfaye and General Kassaye walked through the hallway while members of the former Ethiopian military were standing at both the right and left side, forming in straight line. The hundreds of Ethiopians present expressed their warm welcome with standing ovation until the guests of honor reached the reserved table where they were sited along with disinguised guests of the event Brig. Gen Wubetu Tsegaye, for the former Army, Brig. General Tsegaye Habtiyimer of the former Air force, and other members of the former armed forces.

Artist Tamagne Beyene, the master of ceremony for the occasion, formally announced the arrival of the two heroes amidst rounds and rounds of applause of Ethiopians who came for the occasion. Dinner was followed by a speech by Ato Brehanu Wolde Selassie, the chairman of the Association of the former Ethiopian Air force (AMFEA) and the chairman of the North America organizing committee to honor Ethiopian Heroes. He welcomed General Tesfaye Habte Mariam, and General Kassaye Chemeda, the honorees of 2009. He then explained about the aim and purpose of the non-profit and non-political committee composed of the Association Former members of the Ethiopian Air force (AMFEA), Ethiopian Veterans Association (EVA), and prominent artists and Ethiopians. He stated the importance and the need for nurturing and further developing the culture of recognizing and honoring Ethiopians who give much for their county and people while still alive, especially all those who put their life in line of great danger to defend the unity and territorial integrity of Ethiopia. He recalled the successful event organized by the committee in 2008 to honor Brig. General Legesse Tefera, the air force pilot who fought heroically during the Ethio-Somali war of the 70s, earning him the highest medal for his heroism.

Ato Brehanu continued that the committee’ selection of the three honorees for this year, which includes Militia Ali Berke along with Gen Tesfaye and Gen Kassaye, was due to their superior contributions in line of duty and in defense of Ethiopia’s unity and territorial integrity in both northern ad eastern fronts during the 70s and 80s . That they were selected for this years’ event among thousands of others with equally superior heroic deeds in line of duty. He mentioned the fact that the two generals have made significant contributions to tell the Ethiopian people about the stories of heroic sacrifices made by the former armed forces in order to defend Ethiopia from both external and eternal challenges posed to the country’s unity and territorial integrity.

The chairman of the committee also mentioned the unsuccessful but much effort exerted by the committee to locate the whereabouts of the third honoree, Militia Ali Berke and facilitate his travel to the USA for the occasion. Ato Berhanu said that the committee would work hard to encourage historians and others to write about the exemplary gallantry of the former armed forces so that they are recorded in the annals of history and passed on to generations of Ethiopians yet to come. He concluded by announcing the committee’s grand and long term plan, at an appropriate time, to erect a monument in Ethiopia in memory of the tens of thousands of Ethiopians who laid their precious life while heroically fighting in defense of Ethiopian unity and territorial integrity from challenges posed by external and internal forces.

Following a moving poem read by Maj. Kifle Abocher, among the ablest artists who served in the former armed forces, Ato Ayalkibet Teshome, a member of the organizing committee read the biographies and contributions of General Tesfaye Habte Mariam, Gen Kassaye Chemeda, and Millitia Ali Berke. Artist Tamagne read a brief biography and introduced Brig. General Wubetu Tsegaye to present the special award to both General Tesfaye and General Kassaye, both of whom served under his command. Brig General Wubetu Tsegaye is a decorated war hero and one of the ablest leaders of the former armed forces and an officer who rose from Battalion commander as a Major to a Brig General and the commander of what was then known as the second revolutionary army (SRA) in the northern front during the 80s for close to fifteen years. While members of organizing committee lined up in straight lines at both the left and right sides of General Wubetu, General Kassaye and then General Tesfaye came forward, gave military salute and received their awards from Brig Gen Wubetu Tsegaye. The awards presented to both are embossed with the letters “Le Mayiresa Wulleta, “For a great deed that shall never be forgotten”.

That rare and emotionally touching moment brought tears to many who were present. It continued when Gen Kassaye Chemeda took the stage. Gen Kassaye stated that he willingly joined the then Ethiopian army during the time of the Emperor to serve and for love of the symbol of our nation, pointing towards the standing Ethiopian flag next to him. He told the audience that he never expected that he and the rest of the former Ethiopian armed forces, who served the country through thick and thin as professional soldiers and officers, would get the chance to be remembered and given such recognition and honor during his life time. He related the suffering he had to endure since his two years of imprisonment after the aborted attempt to oust Col Mengistu in 1989. Gen Kassaye was also a victim of the current regime which put him in prison for another eight months after the fall of the Derg regime.
Gen Kassaye concluded his brief speech by telling the crowd that all the demoralizing stigma and labels he carried along with the rest of the former Ethiopian armed forces for the past so many years has been completely washed in that historic day organized to honor and cerebrate Ethiopian heroes. Thus, expressing his deeply felt gratitude for the committee and the hundreds of Ethiopians present at the occasion. Then Brig General Tesfaye took the stage. He too spoke briefly emphasizing that he is a soldier through and through and whenever he was called upon, he has served the Ethiopian people as a professional soldier. He then recounted three stories, among many other stories yet to be told, as illustrations of the former Ethiopian army’s heroism which defied the known and practiced military science all around the world. After expressing his enormous joy for being able to be present in an occasion of such honor , General Tesfaye recalled that it was exactly on Sept 12, thirty years ago that he was awarded the highest medal for heroism, Ye Hibretsebawit Ethiopia Woder Ye Lelew Jegna Medaliya. He stressed that he considers the current award given to him one that is beyond any expression, calling it Ye Woder Woder Yelesh moment for him.

Dressed in uniform and the Red Hat of the Airborne, Artist Tamagne Beyene took the stage again, announcing to an applauding and amused audience the next program of showing two special documentaries he produced for the occasion. The two films showed among the most dramatic moments in the lives of the two generals, including the tragic story of a successful but enormously costly breakthrough led by General Tesfaye at Nakfa, in one of the most difficult rugged terrain and stronghold of the then Eritrean rebels. Against all odds, General Tesfaye, then a Captain and his airborne battalion, undertook one of the rarest heroic missions by volunteering to be sent in response to the 15th battalion's telegram of appeal for support and dropping from an airplane at more than 2000 meter height. A heroic feat that defied the normal practice and unheard of in modern history of Airborne missions anywhere around the world. That mission was undertaken in order to support and save the encircled and embattled 15th battalion at Nakfa led by Maj. Mamo Temtime. The film also depicted the tremendous heroism and determination of post humus Lt. Colonel Mamo Temtime, the commander of the heroic 15th battalion, who led his men to withstand and put up the toughest resistance in the face of the bloodiest encirclement and onslaught by a much superior enemy force at Nakfa for several months, until he was wounded and while fighting to the last bullet. The short documentary prepared to honor General Kassaye showed his enormous contributions starting with his heroic role as a commander of a Tank Battalion that made significant contribution of crushing and ousting the Somali invading forces out of Ethiopia’s territory.
Upon the conclusion of this part of the evening program, an applause and hurray filled the hall, an expression of approval for work well done as tribute to the heroes by Artist Tamagne. Artists Desalgen and Aregahen Worash continued entertaining the huge number of Ethiopians in the hall with patriotic songs until about 2:00 AM in the morning.

Saturday night event got coverage by the Voice of America. Many members of the media in the Washington DC area were also present. Also present were members of various civic groups such as Gasha for Ethiopia and many others. Ethiopians from all walks of life, young and old, woman and men, were present. Many young Ethiopians as far away as Minnesota, Cincinnati, Ohio, New York and other states came to be part of this great event as well.

(Photos: Courtesy of Photographer Tewodros Mekbib)

The following list of names is prepared to serve as a symbol of hundreds of thousands unnamed others, who died in line of duty and as well as alive. These are outstanding leaders and heroes, both alive and dead, from the former Army, Navy, Air force, and the police forces. This is just representative list of heroes from Generals to line officers, from NCOs to privates of the former Ethiopian armed forces

Maj. General Fanta Belay
Maj. General Merid Negussie
Maj. General Demisse Bultto
Maj. General Amha Desta
Maj. General Abera Abebe
Maj. General Mesfin Gebre Kal
Maj. General Syoum Mekonnen
Maj. General Kinfe Michael Dinku
Maj. General Kumlachew Dejene
Maj. General Hailu Gebre Mickael
Maj. General Regassa Jimma
Brig. General Teshome Tessema
Brig. General Legesse Abeje
Brig. General Yilma Gizaw
Brig. General Woubetu Tsegaye
Brig. General Temesgen Gemechu
Brig General Tesfaye Habte Mariam
Brig. General Kassaye Chemeda
Brig General Behailu Kinde
Commodor Belege Belete
Commodor Getachew Siyoum
Brig. General Merdera Lelisa
Brig. General Berta Gomoraw
Brig. General Araya Zerai
Brig. General Gennanaw Mengistu
Brig. General Desalegn Abebe
Brig. General Taye Balaker
Brig. General Lemesa Bedase
Brig. General Solomon Begashsaw
Brig. General Ashenafi Gebre Tsadiq
Brig. General Afework Wolde Michael
Brig. General Negussie Zergaw
Brig. General Kebede Mehari
Brig. Geneal Hailu Kebede
Brig. General Addis Aglachew
Brig. General Negash Woldeyes
Brig. General Hailu Beraworq
Brig. General Legese Haile
Brig. General Mesfin Haile
Brig. General Erkyihun Bayyisa
Brig. General Kebede Wolde Tsadiq
Brig. General Yemata Miskir
Brig. General Engda Wolde Amlak
Brig. General Techane Mesfin
Brig. General Tadesse Tesema
Brig. General Samson Haile
Brig General Berhanu Demissie
Brig General Tesfaye Terefe
Brig. General Tariku Aiyne
Brig General Tsegaye Habityimer
Col. Kassa Gebere Mariam
Col. Belay Ashenaki
Col. Girum Abebe
Col. Shibabaw Zeleke
Col. Aytenw Belay
Col. Mersha Admassu
Col. Kifetew Merine
Col. Beshu Gebre Tekle
Col. Sereke Brehan
Col Tadesse Gebre
Col Kassaye Tadesse
Col . Dr. Gaga Oljo
Col. Girma Teferi
Col. Tilhaun Bogale
Col. Gethanun Wolde Girogis
Col. Sifu Wolde
Col. Estifanos Gebre Meskel
Col. Luel Seged
Col. Gizaw Tefera
Col. Bezabeh Petros
Col. Reta Menkir
Col. Shimelis
Col. Worku Tefera
Col. Tilahun Nebro
Col. Berhnu Wubneh
Col. Getahun Demissie
Col. Dr. Tadesse Melka
Col. Fekade Engeda
Col Admassu Mekonnen
Col Negussie Adugna
Col Gezagen Tarekegen
Col Girma Tadesse
Col. Solomon Kassa
Col. Alemayhu Admau
Col. Ayele Gebeyhu
Col. Mekonnen Bekele
Col Desalagen Meberate
Col Dr. Desta Moges
Captain Mersha Girma
Commander Fiseha Tilahun
Commander Hailu Lemma
Commander Ashalew Jemaneh
Commander Matthew Mekonnen
Lt. Colonel Mamo Temtime
Lt. Col. Alemayehu Haile
Lt. Col. Shewataye Alemu Habte
Lt Col Genanaw Ejigou
Lt Col. Tilahun Mamo
Lt Commander Fantu Abraham
Major Mamo Lemma
Major Getachew Mihirete
Major Tadesse Mengesha
Major Getahun Demissie
Major Getachew Tessema
Major Mersa Redda
Major Ethan Mekonnen
Major Asfaw Tewolde
Maj Tafesse Kebede
Maj Kebede Yimer
Maj Wegaheyu Degentu
Capt. Solomon Mekebib
Capt. Hailu Kebede
Capt. Abraham Sinke
Capt. Afewerk Tariku
Capt. Wondimu Beyene
Cap. Gedele Giorigs Abat
Cap. Shewatatek Alemu
Cap Rorisa Dadi
Cap. Asmare Gebre Selassie
Lt. Merid Dachew
Lt. Afework Mengesha
Lt. Tilahun Hailu Gebre
Lt. Yekono Tadesse
Lt. Girma Aynalem
Lt. Girma Kebede
Lt. Shibeshi Haile
Lt Mekuria Dedema
Jr. Lt. Shewalem Negash
Sub Lt. Dagne
Lt Nura Yasin
Lt Aytenfisu Damtew
Lt. Darsiso Tessema
Sub Lt. Ledatu Nure
Sub. Lt. Beze Workneh
Sub.Lt. Tesfaye Workenh
Seniour Technician Ewunetu Genta
Chief Gezagehn Gezmu
Warrant Officer Kassa Merine
PO Fresenay Kebede
Sgt. Woldu Baikedagne
Srg. Abebaw Asfaw
Srg. Wolde Gabriel Hagos
Corporal Abdissa
Corporal Andarge Belay
Corporal Adinew Reta
Corporal Tigneh Belew
Private Kebede Koricho
Priavate Zelelew Dibaba
Priavate Simeret Ayele
Private Milita Ali Berke
Private Kebede Belda.
Private Iyayu Shegaw
Private Worku Abay
Private Shimelis
Private Tigabu
Private Alemitu Chaqile

Zenawi decides to cling to power until 2016

Ethiomedia (updated) September 9, 2009

ADDIS ABABA - Meles Zenawi has decided to rule Ethiopia for five more years following the election in 2010, state-run Ethiopian TV reported on Tuesday.
"The prime minister and members of his ruling EPRDF party have - after a long debate - agreed that Meles Zenawi would step down from his party and government posts at the end of the next term," the TV reported. The next term ends in 2016. Obviously, the decision is made on the foregone conclusion Zenawi's party would be the sole competitor and winner of the election in 2010.
Though the language used in the official media was made ambiguous, a usual way of throwing the public into confusion, all records show the buzz that the current term would be Zenawi's last has come to an end.
One of the most ruthless tyrants in Africa who has reduced Ethiopia into a failed and landlocked state fraught with ethnic fragmentation, Meles Zenawi has been in power since 1991.
For many political observers, Mr. Zenawi would remain in power indefinitely was a foregone conclusion. The party - EPRDF - is a one-man-show party; if Zenawi is gone, EPRDF is gone.
Human rights groups accuse Mr. Zenawi of committing serious crimes, including genocide of ethnic Anuaks in 2003, the killings of nearly 200 protesters following the ruling party's defeat in the 2005 elections, and war crimes in the Ogaden region.
A government crackdown continues to this day, with opposition supporters either being killed, jailed or beaten and dumped by the roadside. Workers live in perpetual fear of not to be seen as harboring anti-government views that would cost them their jobs in the impoverished nation.
Zenawi has been misleading the media that he would resign at the end of this term. Ethiomedia has for several years been warning there was no way Mr. Zenawi would submit himself to the rule of law and allow the transfer of power even after nearly 20 years in power.
Meles Zenawi hailed from Asmara and joined TPLF 35 years ago as an enemy combatant to fight against Ethiopia for Eritrean independence. As leader of TPLF, he vanquished thousands of Tigrians who were perceived as potential troublemakers that would oppose his policies detriment to Ethiopia.
"For an enemy," one observer said, "let alone five more years, even a day in power is worth fighting for."

ጥጃ- ለዘመን መለወጫ

በግንባሩ ወግቶ- ቢያጠቃኝ በርግጫ
ቢላ ቢላዋ አለኝ- ለዚህ ክፉ ጥጃ።
ዘመን ተለውጦ-ዘመኑ እስኪተካ

“ይወርዳል… ይለቃል”- ወሬ እንዳልተቦካ
ይኸ ጥጃ እምቢ አለ- አልሄድ ብሏል ለካ!

ሰፈሩን አመሰው-አጉል ተፈራግጦ
ሰው ግራ ገባው- በጭንቀት ተውጦ
እረኛ አይመልሰው-አዳኝ አያድነው
ሰውን እየጎዳ-ከአካል እያወጣው
ለህልፈት ሲዳርግ- እፎይታ ሲያሳጣ
ኑሮን ክፉ ትርኢት- ሲያበዛበት ጣጣ
ምን ጉድ ሆነ እና ነው- ይህ የሰፈር ጥጃ
ጀግና የለም እንዴ-የሚያውቅ ጠመንጃ።

እናንት አድርባዮች- ዘመን ስትለውጡ
ከዚህ ክፉ ጥጃ- አብራችሁ አትውጡ
ብትቀሩ ይሻላል- እናንተስ አትምጡ።
እናንት ወገኖቼ- ከብት የምታረቡ
ይህን ክፉ ጥጃ- ከእናንተ አትደንቡ
እናንተ ተለዩ- ወደተራራው
ያ ክፉ ጥጃ ነው- ገደል የሚያምረው።

አጨደው ሰርዶውን- የሰፈሩን ሙጃ
ምላሱ መርዝ አለው- እግሩ የጦር ሳንጃ
ረሃብ ላይ ጣለው-ፍየልና በጉን
አጉልኛ ጠባት- ያች ደግ እናቱን
ጀግና ምነው ጠፋ- የሚያድን ላሚቱን።

ቄራ ሰራተኞች-በግ የምታግዙ
እስኪ በዚህ ዓመት-ይህን ጥጃ ግዙ
ገበያ ውሰዱት-ለዚህ አዲስ ዓመት አራጅ
እንዲወስደው- ሁሉን የሚያውቅበት
አቅርበው ለሽያጭ-ሲራራው ነጋዴ
በሰላም ልተኛ-ይረፍልኝ ሆዴ።

ከሰሜን ከምስራቅ- ከምዕራብ ከደቡብ
ተሰባሰብና- ሁሉም ያገሬ ህዝብ
ደስ ብሎን እንድንውል- ዘመን መለወጫ
ጨፌ ጎዝጉዛችሁ- ቄጠማ ወይ ሙጃ
አንገቱ ላይ አርጉ- ቢላዋ ወይ ሳንጃ
ገላግሉን በአንድዬ- ከዚህ ክፉ ጥጃ።


ዳግማዊ ዳዊት
መስከረም 2002 ዓ.ም.

ዘመን-አራት ጎማ…እንቁጣጣሽ!

ዘመን ተሽከርክሮ- ዛቢያው ተንከባሎ፤
አዲስ ዓመት መጣ-ይኸውና ዞሮ።

አራት ጎማ አቁሞ-ዘመን ስም ሰይሞ
ሊገባ ነው ታየኝ- ማርቆስ ከበር ቆሞ።
ተነሳ ባርኔጣ- ማቴዎስ አክትሞ
ሉቃስ ይከተላል- ያድርስን ለከርሞ።

እንቁጣጣሽ ልበል- ራስ ካሳር ቆሜ
ሞያሌ ላለኸው- ለታላቅ ወንድሜ።
ጎንደር ለምትኖሩት-ወዳጅ ዘመዶቼ
በየክፍለ-ዓለሙ- ሁሉም ወገኖቼ
የቦራዊል ቆንጆ- ተወዳጅ እህቴ
የቡሮ ዱጊዋ-አንች ደግ አክስቴ
የአክሱሙ አድባር አባት-ግራዝማች አጎቴ
ሃሎ ወደ አስመራ- ደጃዝማች አያቴ
የጊምቢ ዋርካወች-እናትና አባቴ
ይድረስ በቦስጣ ቤት- እነሆኝ መልዕክቴ
መልካም አዲስ ዓመት-ይመኛል ልጃችሁ
በአንድነት በሰላም-ሁሌም ያኑራችሁ
ኢትዮጵያን አደራ-በአንድነት ይዛችሁ
ለሚመጣው ዓመት- ሰላም ያድርሳችሁ።

ዳግማዊ ዳዊት
መስከረም 2002
Ethio_dagmawi@yahoo.com

The Flip Flop: PM Meles Zenawi will not step down after 2010 Election

Yesterday, just yesterday, the Ethiopian Reporter reported Meles would step down. The question of him resigning, we were told, was a done deal. The unanswered question as of yesterday was the timing. Did you believe what was reported? You shouldn't. Becuase the flip floping nature of TPLF has proved itself within a day. Aigaforum reported that Meles Zenawi will not stepdown after 2010 election. Read more

የመለስን ሥልጣን የመልቀቅ ጥያቄ ኢሕአዴግ ተቀበለ

ሰበር ዜና

Tuesday, 08 September 2009
የመለስን ሥልጣን የመልቀቅ ጥያቄ ኢሕአዴግ ተቀበለ. መቼ?(በጋዜጣው ሪፖርተር)ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር መለስ ዜናዊ ከወሳኝ የፓርቲ ስልጣንና የመንግሥት አመራር ለመልቀቅ ያቀረቡትን ጥያቄ ኢሕአዴግ በድምፅ ብልጫ ተቀበለ፡፡የመለስን ሥልጣን የመልቀቅ ጥያቄን ኢሕአዴግ ተቀበለ::
ጥያቄውን በመጀመሪያ ያስተናገደው የግንባሩ የሥራ አስፈፃሚ ኮሚቴ ሲሆን በጉዳዩ ላይ ሰፊ ክርክርና ውይይት በተካሄደበትና የሥራ አስፈፃሚው አባላት ለሁለት በተከፈሉበት በዚህ መድረክ አቶ መለስ ራሳቸው የተከራከሩበት ውይይት እንደነበር ምንጮቻችን ገልፀዋል፡፡ ጥያቄውን በመጀመሪያ ያስተናገደው የግንባሩ የሥራ አስፈፃሚ ኮሚቴ ሲሆን በጉዳዩ ላይ ሰፊ ክርክርና ውይይት በተካሄደበትና የሥራ አስፈፃሚው አባላት ለሁለት በተከፈሉበት በዚህ መድረክ አቶ መለስ ራሳቸው የተከራከሩበት ውይይት እንደነበር ምንጮቻችን ገልፀዋል፡፡”

Comment (ours):
እውነትም መቸ ነው መለስ ከስልጣን የሚወርደው? አሁን? ከ2002 (2010 GC) ምርጫ በሁውላ? ከ2007 (2015 GC) በሁውላ? መቸ….እስከመቸ? ነገሮችን በማድብስበስ በማጭበርበር ለሃያ አመት የቆየው የመለስ ዜናዊ መንግስት ዛሬ ከመቸውም ጊዜ በላይ በሃይል ካልሆነ በስተቀር በምንም መንገድ የሚለቅ አይመስልም። መለስ እራሱ በየጊዜው በቀጥታም ሆነ በተዘዋዋሪ እንደሚናገረው በጦርነት የተቆናጠጠውን በትረ-ሥልጣን ለመልቀቅ በህልሙም አያስበውም። በስልጣን ለመቆየትም በትግራይ ህዝብ ስም ይነግዳል። ዘርን ከዘር ያጨፋጭፋል። ይገድላል። ያስራል። አካል ያጎድላል። ይዘርፋል።…. ምኑ ተንግሮ ያልቃል?

ቁም ንገሩ ግን የመለስ ከስልጣን መውረድ አይደለም። ሌላ መለስ ከተተካ ምን ዋጋ አለው? የኢህአዴግ ከሥልጣን መውረድም አይደለም? ሌላ ቡድን፤ አገር ገንጣይ / አስገንጣይ፤ ዘረኛ መንግስት ከተተካ ምን ዋጋ አለው? የአገርን አንድነት በማስጠበቅ ሥበብም ህዝብን ረግጦ የሚገዛም አይደለም? ተመልስን ወደ ኃይለሥላሴ ወይም ወደ መንግስቱ ህይለማርያም ከሄድን ምን ዋጋ አለው?
ትግላችን በርግጥ መጀመሪያ ሃገርን የማዳን እና ልዑዋላዊነትን የማስክበር ነው። ነገር ግን መዳረሻችን መሆን ያለበት፤ በኢትዮጵያችን የግለሰብ እና የቡድን መብቶች ተከብረው፤ ስብአዊ መብታችን ሳይገሰስ በዲሞክራሲያዊ መንገድ የእኛ በእኛ የተመረጠ መንግስት ማቆም ነው። ስለዚህ የመለስ መውረድም ሆነ መቆየት፤ ኢህአዴግ ስልጣን ላይ እስካለ ድረስ “ድስት ቢቀያየር ወጥ አያሳምርም” እንዲሉ ነው።

ETHIOPIA: ETHNIC FEDERALISM AND ITS DISCONTENTS

International Crisis Group
Executive summary

The Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), led by its chairman and prime minister, Meles Zenawi, has radically reformed Ethiopia’s political system. The regime transformed the hitherto centralised state into the Federal Democratic Republic and also redefined citizenship, politics and identity on ethnic grounds. The intent was to create a more prosperous, just and representative state for all its people. Yet, despite continued economic growth and promised democratisation, there is growing discontent with the EPRDF’s ethnically defined state and rigid grip on power and fears of continued inter-ethnic conflict. The international community should take Ethiopia’s governance problems much more seriously and adopt a more principled position towards the government. Without genuine multi-party democracy, the tensions and pressures in Ethiopia’s polities will only grow, greatly increasing the possibility of a violent eruption that would destabilise the country and region.
The endeavour to transform Ethiopia into a federal state is led by the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), which has dominated the coalition of ethno-nationalist parties that is the EPRDF since the removal in 1991 of the Derg, the security services committee that overthrew Emperor Haile Selassie in 1974. The EPRDF quickly institutionalised the TPLF’s policy of people’s rights to self-determination and self-rule. The federal constitution ratified in 1994 defined the country’s structure as a multicultural federation based on ethno-national representation.
The government has created nine ethnic-based regional states and two federally administered city-states. The result is an asymmetrical federation that combines populous regional states like Oromiya and Amhara in the central highlands with sparsely populated and underdeveloped ones like Gambella and Somali. Although the constitution vests all powers not attributed to the federal government in them, the regional states are in fact weak.
The constitution was applauded for its commitment to liberal democracy and respect for political freedoms and human rights. But while the EPRDF promises democracy, it has not accepted that the opposition is qualified to take power via the ballot box and tends to regard the expression of differing views and interests as a form of betrayal. Before 2005, its electoral superiority was ensured by the limited national appeal and outreach of the predominantly ethnically based opposition parties. Divided and disorganised, the reach of those parties rarely went beyond Addis Ababa. When the opposition was able to challenge at local, regional or federal levels, it faced threats, harassment and arrest. With the opportunity in 2005 to take over the Addis Ababa city council in what would have been the first democratic change of a major administration in the country’s history, the opposition withdrew from the political process to protest flaws in the overall election.
The EPRDF did not feel threatened until the 2005 federal and regional elections. The crackdown that year on the opposition demonstrated the extent to which the regime is willing to ignore popular protest and foreign criticism to hold on to power. The 2008 local and by-elections went much more smoothly, in large part because the opposition Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD) was absorbed with internal and legal squabbles, and several other parties withdrew after their candidates experienced severe registration problems. The next federal and regional elections, scheduled for June 2010, most probably will be much more contentious, as numerous opposition parties are preparing to challenge the EPRDF, which is likely to continue to use its political machine to retain its position.
Despite the EPRDF’s authoritarianism and reluctance to accept genuine multi-party competition, political positions and parties have proliferated in recent years. This process, however, is not driven by democratisation or the inclusion of opposition parties in representative institutions. Rather it is the result of a continuous polarisation of national politics that has sharpened tensions between and within parties and ethnic groups since the mid-1990s. The EPRDF’s ethnic federalism has not dampened conflict, but rather increased competition among groups that vie over land and natural resources, as well as administrative boundaries and government budgets.
Furthermore, ethnic federalism has failed to resolve the “national question”. The EPRDF’s ethnic policy has empowered some groups but has not been accompanied by dialogue and reconciliation. For Amhara and national elites, ethnic federalism impedes a strong, unitary nation-state. For ethno-national rebel groups like the ONLF (Ogaden National Liberation Front; Somalis in the Oga­den) and OLF (Oromo Liberation Front; the Oromo), ethnic federalism remains artificial. While the concept has failed to accommodate grievances, it has powerfully promoted ethnic self-awareness among all groups. The international community has ignored or downplayed all these problems. Some donors appear to consider food security more important than democracy in Ethiopia, but they neglect the increased ethnic awareness and tensions created by the regionalisation policy and their potentially explosive consequences. Read the Report in full

ICG: Ethiopia risks pre-election violence in 2010

By Barry Malone, Sept 7 (Reuters) - Ethiopia could suffer ethnic violence next year ahead of its first national elections since a 2005 poll triggered street clashes following a disputed victory for the government, a think tank has said.
In a study released over the weekend, the International Crisis Group (ICG) warned of the potential for a violent eruption of conflict ahead of the election scheduled for May 2010 because of rising ethnic tensions and dissent.
“The international community must stop ignoring and downplaying these problems and encourage meaningful democratic governance in the country,” the ICG said in a statement.
Ethiopian government officials were not immediately available to comment.
The 2005 elections were touted as Ethiopia’s first truly democratic poll. But they ended in bloodshed after the government declared victory and the opposition cried foul.
Police and soldiers then killed about 200 people who had taken to the streets in protest. Prime Minister Meles Zenawi accused the demonstrators of trying to topple the government.
Rights groups regularly accuse his administration of cracking down on opponents. One party leader has been jailed and several former and serving military officers have been charged in recent months with plotting to oust Meles.
The ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) is made up of parties from all major ethnic groups.
It introduced a system of “ethnic federalism” when it took power in 1991, after a communist regime was toppled, with major ethnicities controlling the regions where they dominate.
The government says that gives all ethnicities equal power.
“Ethnic federalism has not dampened conflict, but rather increased competition among groups fighting for land, natural resources, administrative boundaries and government budgets,” said Francois Grignon, director of the ICG’s Africa Program.
“This concept has powerfully promoted ethnic self-awareness among all groups and failed to accommodate grievances.”
The ICG called on donors who give money to sub-Saharan Africa’s second most populous country — which is one of the world’s biggest recipients of foreign aid — to put pressure on Meles’ government. (Editing by Daniel Wallis)

Press Release: Oromo American Citizen Council (OACC) Endorses the “March to Stop Genocide and Dictatorship in Ethiopia/Africa”

Calls on all Members, Partners and Others to Participate

We, the Oromo American Citizen Council, (OACC) fully endorse the upcoming “March to Stop Genocide and Dictatorship in Ethiopia/Africa in Washington D.C., scheduled for September 13,
2009 in front of the United States Capitol.

The OACC is Human Rights Organization based in Minnesota and founded in 2002 whose mission is to educate and motivate Oromo Americans and others to participate in the social and political processes locally and nationally and to work to prevent violations of fundamental civil and political rights in Ethiopia and around the world.

We in the Oromo American Citizen Council are writing this letter to declare that we are joining our sisters and brothers of Ethiopia in the March to be held on September 13, 2009 to Stop Genocide and Dictatorship in Ethiopia/Africa and call upon all Oromo sisters and brothers, who live in Washington DC area to join this Historical march.
The OACC strongly encourage all members and partner organizations to fully participate, as able, in this coalition of like-minded groups who are seeking human rights, democracy, the rule of law, peace, unity and economic prosperity in Ethiopia and in Africa.

The “March to Stop Genocide and Dictatorship in Ethiopia/Africa;” is an event that could exert much pressure to change foreign policies towards Ethiopia and Africa so that free countries stopped supporting dictators and perpetrators of genocide and other crimes against humanity; positively altering the future of our country and of our continent.

This is a significant opportunity in the history of this struggle and the OACC will not be a bystander. Our shared goals with the objectives of this march demand our full participation. We have no excuses for the people back home, who will continue to live under tyranny, misery and hardship, if we who live in freedom, refuse to come together due to differences of ethnicity, regionalism, politics, religion, turf issues or other such differences.

For those who want to know more about the OACC and our work, please contact us or see our website http://www.oromoamerican.org/

Thugs gone wild in Kilil-istan

Posted on Ethiomedia (8/31/09)
By Alemayehu G. Mariam August 31, 2009
Rent-a-Thug Against Democracy

In a recent piece entitled "Mob Disrupts Political Meeting in Adama," former Ethiopian President Dr. Negasso Gidada described how “an organized mob disturbed a public political meeting of the Unity for Democracy and Justice (UDJ) in Adama, Oromia, and forced the discontinuation of the meeting.” Dr. Negasso explained:

Around 50 people started to disturb the meeting while Eng.
Gizachew Shiferraw, Vice Chairperson of the UDJ was addressing the meeting. The
disturbers were shouting, clutching and whistling from the rear of the hall.
This mob came up running to the front and damaged a microphone while trying to
grab it. They continued to shout: ‘This is Oromia’, ‘Oromo is our Language’,
‘You have to start the meeting by a blessing ceremony in accordance with Oromo
culture’, ‘You can hold the meeting in Oromo language’, ‘If you do not speak in
Oromo language, and you can not hold meetings in our country’. Several people
tried to cool down the mob by promising that what is said would be translated in
Oromo. But the mob would not heed the appeal. It even threatened to beat us up.
Eng. Gizachew could not continue his speech. He was forced to announce that the
meeting is adjourned because of the disturbance… The mob was not a spontaneous
disturbing group. There were some OPDO/EPRDF cadres among the mob. I myself
could recognize at least two OPDO cadres with whom I worked in the organization
before I resigned from it in June 2001. It is obvious that the disturbance was
an organized one. Read More