March 21, 2010 -- Updated 0716 GMT (1516 HKT)
(CNN) -- American officials have condemned plans by the Ethiopian prime minister to block U.S.-funded Voice of America broadcasts in Amharic, the main local language.
Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi accused the media organization of "engaging in destabilizing propaganda," according to the Committee to Protect Journalists.
Zenawi said Thursday that he would allow efforts to jam the network's broadcasts, according to the press freedom advocacy group.
He compared the VOA to a Rwandan radio station accused of stoking the 1994 genocide that killed about 800,000 people.
A U.S. State Department spokesman condemned the accusation.
"Comparing a respected and professional news service to a group that called for genocide in Rwanda is a baseless and inflammatory accusation that seeks only to deflect attention away from the core issue," spokesman Gordon Duguid said.
The Ethiopian government may disagree with VOA news, but interfering with its broadcasts undermines the nation's constitutional commitment to censorship and freedom of expression, he added.
"This right shall include freedom to seek, receive and impart information and ideas of all kinds, regardless of frontiers," Duguid said.
VOA said its Amharic language listeners have experienced interference since February. Its other broadcasts in the Horn of Africa nation have not been affected.
The U.S. government funds the media service, which broadcasts news and other programming in different languages worldwide.
Press freedom advocacy groups have said Ethiopia is trying to limit media coverage leading up to the May elections, an accusation the government denies.
Sunday, March 21, 2010
Friday, March 19, 2010
PM Meles Zenawi: U.S. America Inciting Genocide in Ethiopia
Voice of America Equivalent to the Genocidal Broadcasts of Rwanda's Radio Mille Collines
Ethiopian PM Says He Will Authorize Jamming VOA
Peter Heinlein Addis Ababa18 March 2010
Ethiopia's Prime Minister Meles Zenawi says he is prepared to order jamming of VOA broadcasts in Amharic, the country's main official language. Mr. Meles compared VOA Amharic to the hate media that incited the Rwanda genocide.
The Ethiopian leader denies having authorized the interference VOA Amharic listeners have been experiencing since February 22. But speaking to reporters Thursday, he acknowledged ordering preparations for jamming, and said as soon as the equipment is working properly, he would give the go ahead.
"We have to know before we make the decision to jam, whether we have the capacity to do it," said Meles Zenawi. "But I assure you if they assure me at some future date that they have the capacity to jam it, I will give them the clear guideline to jam it. But so far there has not been that formal decision to jam."
Mr. Meles said what listeners may have been experiencing for the past four weeks is testing of the jamming equipment.
The prime minister compared VOA's Amharic Service to Radio Mille Collines, which broadcast hate messages blamed for inciting the 1994 genocide in Rwanda.
"We have been convinced for many years that in many respects, the VOA Amharic Service has copied the worst practices of radio stations such as Radio Mille Collines of Rwanda in its wanton disregard of minimum ethics of journalism and engaging in destabilizing propaganda," he said.
Voice of America Director Danforth Austin issued a statement Thursday saying, "any comparison of VOA programming to the genocidal broadcasts of Rwanda's Radio Mille Collines is incorrect and unfortunate."
He added, "the VOA deplores jamming as a form of media censorship wherever it may occur."
The statement said VOA's Amharic Service is required by law to provide accurate, objective and comprehensive news and information and abide by the highest journalistic standards.
Austin also noted that "while VOA is always ready to address responsible complaints about programming, the Government of Ethiopia has not initiated any official communication in more than two years."
VOA language service broadcasts to Ethiopia have been jammed in the past around election times. The next election for parliament is just over two months away. But in past instances, the government denied being responsible for the jamming.
Monitors say the recent jamming has only been aimed at Amharic broadcasts, but has not affected Afan Oromo and Tigrinya language service transmissions to Ethiopia. They are heard on the same frequencies before and after the Amharic broadcast.
The Voice of America is a multi-media international broadcasting service funded by the U.S. Government. VOA broadcasts more than 1500 hours of news and other programming every week in 45 languages to an audience of more than 125 million people.
Ethiopian PM Says He Will Authorize Jamming VOA
Peter Heinlein Addis Ababa18 March 2010
Ethiopia's Prime Minister Meles Zenawi says he is prepared to order jamming of VOA broadcasts in Amharic, the country's main official language. Mr. Meles compared VOA Amharic to the hate media that incited the Rwanda genocide.
The Ethiopian leader denies having authorized the interference VOA Amharic listeners have been experiencing since February 22. But speaking to reporters Thursday, he acknowledged ordering preparations for jamming, and said as soon as the equipment is working properly, he would give the go ahead.
"We have to know before we make the decision to jam, whether we have the capacity to do it," said Meles Zenawi. "But I assure you if they assure me at some future date that they have the capacity to jam it, I will give them the clear guideline to jam it. But so far there has not been that formal decision to jam."
Mr. Meles said what listeners may have been experiencing for the past four weeks is testing of the jamming equipment.
The prime minister compared VOA's Amharic Service to Radio Mille Collines, which broadcast hate messages blamed for inciting the 1994 genocide in Rwanda.
"We have been convinced for many years that in many respects, the VOA Amharic Service has copied the worst practices of radio stations such as Radio Mille Collines of Rwanda in its wanton disregard of minimum ethics of journalism and engaging in destabilizing propaganda," he said.
Voice of America Director Danforth Austin issued a statement Thursday saying, "any comparison of VOA programming to the genocidal broadcasts of Rwanda's Radio Mille Collines is incorrect and unfortunate."
He added, "the VOA deplores jamming as a form of media censorship wherever it may occur."
The statement said VOA's Amharic Service is required by law to provide accurate, objective and comprehensive news and information and abide by the highest journalistic standards.
Austin also noted that "while VOA is always ready to address responsible complaints about programming, the Government of Ethiopia has not initiated any official communication in more than two years."
VOA language service broadcasts to Ethiopia have been jammed in the past around election times. The next election for parliament is just over two months away. But in past instances, the government denied being responsible for the jamming.
Monitors say the recent jamming has only been aimed at Amharic broadcasts, but has not affected Afan Oromo and Tigrinya language service transmissions to Ethiopia. They are heard on the same frequencies before and after the Amharic broadcast.
The Voice of America is a multi-media international broadcasting service funded by the U.S. Government. VOA broadcasts more than 1500 hours of news and other programming every week in 45 languages to an audience of more than 125 million people.
Voice of America says its signal to Ethiopia being jammed
March 19th, 2010 by Matthew Lasar in international
Voice of America, the official radio outlet of the United States, says that its Amharic language signal to Ethiopia has been blocked “by an unknown source” since February 22. But obviously it’s the corrupt and repressive government of Meles Zenawi that is behind the jamming.
“We have added another frequency, 9700 in the 31-meter band, in the hope that you will receive an uncensored source of Ethiopia news,” the VOA release says. ” Please pass this new frequency along to your friends in Ethiopia.” The service streams a one hour show to Ethiopia each day at 1800 to 1900 UTC/GMT.
BBC News reports that Ethiopian Prime Minister Zenawi admits his government has been blocking the signal, citing the service’s “destabilizing propaganda,” which he compared to the Rwandan broadcasts of the mid-1990s that encouraged that country’s terrible genocide. It’s a ridiculous charge, and a pathetic response to international concerns that open civil society in Ethiopia has been all but shut down.
Zenawi also insisted that his government won’t release opposition leader and democracy advocate Birtukan Mideska from prison. A former judge and political candidate, Mideska is serving a life term for publicly protesting Ethiopia’s controversial election of 2005. She was released after being imprisoned for 18 months, but re-arrested, apparently for being insufficiently apologetic for her alleged “crimes.”
Voice of America, the official radio outlet of the United States, says that its Amharic language signal to Ethiopia has been blocked “by an unknown source” since February 22. But obviously it’s the corrupt and repressive government of Meles Zenawi that is behind the jamming.
“We have added another frequency, 9700 in the 31-meter band, in the hope that you will receive an uncensored source of Ethiopia news,” the VOA release says. ” Please pass this new frequency along to your friends in Ethiopia.” The service streams a one hour show to Ethiopia each day at 1800 to 1900 UTC/GMT.
BBC News reports that Ethiopian Prime Minister Zenawi admits his government has been blocking the signal, citing the service’s “destabilizing propaganda,” which he compared to the Rwandan broadcasts of the mid-1990s that encouraged that country’s terrible genocide. It’s a ridiculous charge, and a pathetic response to international concerns that open civil society in Ethiopia has been all but shut down.
Zenawi also insisted that his government won’t release opposition leader and democracy advocate Birtukan Mideska from prison. A former judge and political candidate, Mideska is serving a life term for publicly protesting Ethiopia’s controversial election of 2005. She was released after being imprisoned for 18 months, but re-arrested, apparently for being insufficiently apologetic for her alleged “crimes.”
Thursday, March 18, 2010
UN experts push for independent review of Somali food programme
17 March 2010 UN News Service
The Security Council should urge Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon to initiate an independent investigation into the food distribution programme in Somalia, a United Nations group of experts recommends in a new report which claims that humanitarian officials divert food aid for military use.
“A handful of Somali contractors for aid agencies have formed a cartel and become important powerbrokers – some of whom channel their profits, or the aid itself, directly to armed opposition groups,” the Security Council’s Monitoring Group on Somalia alleged in its latest report on international compliance with UN sanctions against Somalia and Eritrea.
The report singled out the Adaani family, one of the three largest contractors for the World Food Programme (WFP) in Somalia, which has “long been a financier of armed groups,” and which has ties with Hassan Dahir Aweys, the leader of the militia coalition Hizbul Islam.
The Monitoring Group also recommended that WFP revise its internal procedures to diversify how it issues contracts and work closely with other UN agencies and offices to share information about the Somali business community.
Looking to Mogadishu, the report criticized the war economy for corrupting and enfeebling State institutions under the leadership of the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) and President Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed.
The apparent corruption has spread to the Somali security services which sell their military supplies in open markets.
“The limited ability of the Transitional Federal Government to pay its officials and security forces is handicapped by entrenched corruption at all levels: commanders and troops alike sell their arms and ammunition – sometimes even to their enemies,” the report said.
The TFG’s survival is attributed not to its military but to support from the UN-backed African Union peace support operation known by its acronym AMISOM and clan militias that have turned against the rebel Al Shabaab militias.
In a related development, the TFG signed an agreement with a former rival group known as Ahlu Sunnah Wal Jama’a at the headquarters of the African Union (AU). Militias in Somalia are known to change allegiances frequently.
On the topic of piracy, which the Monitoring Group called “the most obvious symptom of the war economy,” it noted that attacks on shipping off Somalia increased in 2009, despite the presence of international naval forces offshore.
The report also cautioned against the increasing involvement of Somalia’s immediate neighbours, Djibouti, Ethiopia and Kenya, which “are militarily involved in the conflict or plan to become involved in the coming months.”
The Monitoring Group singled out Eritrea to cease any subsidies to members of the armed opposition groups currently based in Asmara and cancel Eritrean passports issued to members of the group.
The Security Council should urge Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon to initiate an independent investigation into the food distribution programme in Somalia, a United Nations group of experts recommends in a new report which claims that humanitarian officials divert food aid for military use.
“A handful of Somali contractors for aid agencies have formed a cartel and become important powerbrokers – some of whom channel their profits, or the aid itself, directly to armed opposition groups,” the Security Council’s Monitoring Group on Somalia alleged in its latest report on international compliance with UN sanctions against Somalia and Eritrea.
The report singled out the Adaani family, one of the three largest contractors for the World Food Programme (WFP) in Somalia, which has “long been a financier of armed groups,” and which has ties with Hassan Dahir Aweys, the leader of the militia coalition Hizbul Islam.
The Monitoring Group also recommended that WFP revise its internal procedures to diversify how it issues contracts and work closely with other UN agencies and offices to share information about the Somali business community.
Looking to Mogadishu, the report criticized the war economy for corrupting and enfeebling State institutions under the leadership of the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) and President Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed.
The apparent corruption has spread to the Somali security services which sell their military supplies in open markets.
“The limited ability of the Transitional Federal Government to pay its officials and security forces is handicapped by entrenched corruption at all levels: commanders and troops alike sell their arms and ammunition – sometimes even to their enemies,” the report said.
The TFG’s survival is attributed not to its military but to support from the UN-backed African Union peace support operation known by its acronym AMISOM and clan militias that have turned against the rebel Al Shabaab militias.
In a related development, the TFG signed an agreement with a former rival group known as Ahlu Sunnah Wal Jama’a at the headquarters of the African Union (AU). Militias in Somalia are known to change allegiances frequently.
On the topic of piracy, which the Monitoring Group called “the most obvious symptom of the war economy,” it noted that attacks on shipping off Somalia increased in 2009, despite the presence of international naval forces offshore.
The report also cautioned against the increasing involvement of Somalia’s immediate neighbours, Djibouti, Ethiopia and Kenya, which “are militarily involved in the conflict or plan to become involved in the coming months.”
The Monitoring Group singled out Eritrea to cease any subsidies to members of the armed opposition groups currently based in Asmara and cancel Eritrean passports issued to members of the group.
The BBC was right to report claims of aid abuse in Ethiopia
The BBC was right to report claims of aid abuse in EthiopiaEven competent agencies have been ripped off – it's the nature of humanitarian crisis
Edward Girardet The Guardian, Thursday 18 March 2010
Article history
Bob Geldof rages against the "thoroughly discredited BBC World Service programme that claimed that nigh on the entire humanitarian relief effort by all aid agencies during the Ethiopian famine was diverted to arms" (My rage at this calumny, 10 March).
But the BBC report was not specifically about Band Aid. Nor does it discredit the World Service to report on international aid deliveries during the Ethiopian crisis of the 1980s. The real issue is about the way humanitarian assistance to victims of war and famine was – and still is – manipulated by all sides, whether rebel or government.
As a foreign correspondent reporting on humanitarian crisis zones and conflicts in Africa and Asia during this period, I consider myself "one of the dozens of journalists of record" who covered the region. The BBC report referred to a situation that anyone familiar with the politics of aid knows only too well. Geldof, whose commitment I have always admired, comes off as naive and self-righteous.
It is not "weird" that journalists at the time failed to discover the story, as Geldof asserts. Aid always has been – and still is – ripped off by warring factions no matter how well-meaning or competent the international aid agencies. This is simply the nature of conflict and humanitarian crisis. Aid is a resource to be exploited, whether for weapons, personal gain or political power. The Pakistanis and Afghan mujahideen did it; Angola's Unita rebels did it; and so did the government and guerrillas in Ethiopia. Organisations such as the International Committee of the Red Cross openly and transparently assume that some of their aid (30% in Somalia) will be stolen.
During the 1980s, I had regular contact with guerrilla groups in the Horn of Africa, such as the TPLF (including its humanitarian wing, Rest), the EPLF and ELF. I also reported from the government side out of Addis. All did their best to dupe both aid workers and journalists.
Rest, for example, was extremely well organised. It provided impressive humanitarian surveys, such as the number of lactating mothers in specific villages and refugee camps. However, there was no way of verifying whether all the aid was actually going through or not. Inside the guerrilla zones Rest always controlled what you saw and where you travelled. The Ethiopian Dergue did exactly the same thing.
Everything was elaborate while the show was on, but the moment one left it was a different matter. Once I visited a bustling "government displaced centre" near the Sudanese border. Twenty minutes after leaving I returned because I had forgotten my jacket. The camp was empty. It had been a complete charade in a bid to solicit international sympathy and funding.
No aid organisation working in the region during those days can truthfully assert that 100% of its assistance reached the victims. One only needed to visit the bazaars of Kasala, Omdurman and Addis, where bags of donated wheat and other relief were openly sold. While the abuse may not have been 95%, the BBC report raised the right questions and in a proper journalistic manner.
Edward Girardet The Guardian, Thursday 18 March 2010
Article history
Bob Geldof rages against the "thoroughly discredited BBC World Service programme that claimed that nigh on the entire humanitarian relief effort by all aid agencies during the Ethiopian famine was diverted to arms" (My rage at this calumny, 10 March).
But the BBC report was not specifically about Band Aid. Nor does it discredit the World Service to report on international aid deliveries during the Ethiopian crisis of the 1980s. The real issue is about the way humanitarian assistance to victims of war and famine was – and still is – manipulated by all sides, whether rebel or government.
As a foreign correspondent reporting on humanitarian crisis zones and conflicts in Africa and Asia during this period, I consider myself "one of the dozens of journalists of record" who covered the region. The BBC report referred to a situation that anyone familiar with the politics of aid knows only too well. Geldof, whose commitment I have always admired, comes off as naive and self-righteous.
It is not "weird" that journalists at the time failed to discover the story, as Geldof asserts. Aid always has been – and still is – ripped off by warring factions no matter how well-meaning or competent the international aid agencies. This is simply the nature of conflict and humanitarian crisis. Aid is a resource to be exploited, whether for weapons, personal gain or political power. The Pakistanis and Afghan mujahideen did it; Angola's Unita rebels did it; and so did the government and guerrillas in Ethiopia. Organisations such as the International Committee of the Red Cross openly and transparently assume that some of their aid (30% in Somalia) will be stolen.
During the 1980s, I had regular contact with guerrilla groups in the Horn of Africa, such as the TPLF (including its humanitarian wing, Rest), the EPLF and ELF. I also reported from the government side out of Addis. All did their best to dupe both aid workers and journalists.
Rest, for example, was extremely well organised. It provided impressive humanitarian surveys, such as the number of lactating mothers in specific villages and refugee camps. However, there was no way of verifying whether all the aid was actually going through or not. Inside the guerrilla zones Rest always controlled what you saw and where you travelled. The Ethiopian Dergue did exactly the same thing.
Everything was elaborate while the show was on, but the moment one left it was a different matter. Once I visited a bustling "government displaced centre" near the Sudanese border. Twenty minutes after leaving I returned because I had forgotten my jacket. The camp was empty. It had been a complete charade in a bid to solicit international sympathy and funding.
No aid organisation working in the region during those days can truthfully assert that 100% of its assistance reached the victims. One only needed to visit the bazaars of Kasala, Omdurman and Addis, where bags of donated wheat and other relief were openly sold. While the abuse may not have been 95%, the BBC report raised the right questions and in a proper journalistic manner.
Marquee Ethiopia Election Matchup Pits PM vs Former Comrade
Peter Heinlein Addis Ababa17 March 2010
Ethiopia's May 23 elections for parliament have produced some interesting match-ups, with several prominent government officials facing stiff competition. One contest pits Prime Minister Meles Zenawi against a former comrade in arms, Aregash Adane.
Aregash Adane seems an unlikely challenger to one of Africa's most respected leaders. Invited for an interview about her bid to unseat the prime minister, she arrives on foot. No aides, no driver, no car."I'm only a few kilometers away," she explains, "and I like to walk".
Aregash Adane knows Meles Zenawi well. They are both from Adwa, in the northern Tigray region. The legislative seat they are contesting represents the town. She is three years older than the 54-year-old prime minister, but says they have close family ties."Adwa is both his home and my home. His family and my family are very close.
They are friends. We are neighbors," she added.Mr. Meles and Ms. Aregash began their political careers as comrades in a Marxist-Leninist guerrilla group, the Tigrayan People's Liberation Front (TPLF). They fought together to overthrow the murderous Dergue regime led by the Communist dictator Mengistu Haile Mariam. When the Dergue collapsed in 1991, the TPLF seized power.Mr. Meles became leader of both the TPLF and the new ruling coalition called the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF). Ms. Aregash was the senior female member of the decision-making central committee.But in 2001, a power struggle split the TPLF.
Mr. Meles crushed his opponents. The rival faction, including Aregash Adane, was banished to the political wilderness.Ms. Aregash says since then, Mr. Meles has followed Leninist principles, establishing himself as the head of a one-party Revolutionary Democratic state."It's a dictatorship," she noted. "Revolutionary Democracy is a philosophy of communism or socialism. It was designed by Lenin to create a certain period where they could develop and transit to socialism, so the ideology itself is very dictatorial."Ms. Aregash says her challenge to the prime minister is not personal, but policy-driven.
She argues that after 19 years in power, the EPRDF's promise of democratic socialism has failed to materialize. She calls Revolutionary Democracy an ideology of the past."The EPRDF government has failed in the sense that it didn't build or create democratic institutions in the country," she explained. "There is no era of socialism, at least in the immediate future, so the ideology which Meles is still following is, I believe wrong, so I challenge him."The former guerrilla fighter says voters in Adwa are responding to her message, but she doubts Mr. Meles and the ruling party will give up power through the ballot box.
She says Ethiopia's elections are stage-managed affairs designed to produce a desired outcome while giving the impression of multi-party democracy."If people voted against EPRDF, they are not ready to accept it, so they have to create an environment where the opposition couldn't get a majority," she said.
"The only thing it's trying to do is portray he's creating an environment where the election has been held democratically." The May 23 election will be the first parliamentary poll since the disputed 2005 vote, which gave the ruling party a solid majority. Allegations of fraud led to violent demonstrations in which nearly 200 protestors were killed.
Scores of opposition leaders were tried and sentenced to life in prison for their part in the protests, but later pardoned.Ethiopia's most recent elections, the 2008 local council polls, also gave the ruling party an overwhelming victory. After most opposition parties boycotted, the EPRDF and its allies won all but three of 3.6 million seats being contested.
Ethiopia's May 23 elections for parliament have produced some interesting match-ups, with several prominent government officials facing stiff competition. One contest pits Prime Minister Meles Zenawi against a former comrade in arms, Aregash Adane.
Aregash Adane seems an unlikely challenger to one of Africa's most respected leaders. Invited for an interview about her bid to unseat the prime minister, she arrives on foot. No aides, no driver, no car."I'm only a few kilometers away," she explains, "and I like to walk".
Aregash Adane knows Meles Zenawi well. They are both from Adwa, in the northern Tigray region. The legislative seat they are contesting represents the town. She is three years older than the 54-year-old prime minister, but says they have close family ties."Adwa is both his home and my home. His family and my family are very close.
They are friends. We are neighbors," she added.Mr. Meles and Ms. Aregash began their political careers as comrades in a Marxist-Leninist guerrilla group, the Tigrayan People's Liberation Front (TPLF). They fought together to overthrow the murderous Dergue regime led by the Communist dictator Mengistu Haile Mariam. When the Dergue collapsed in 1991, the TPLF seized power.Mr. Meles became leader of both the TPLF and the new ruling coalition called the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF). Ms. Aregash was the senior female member of the decision-making central committee.But in 2001, a power struggle split the TPLF.
Mr. Meles crushed his opponents. The rival faction, including Aregash Adane, was banished to the political wilderness.Ms. Aregash says since then, Mr. Meles has followed Leninist principles, establishing himself as the head of a one-party Revolutionary Democratic state."It's a dictatorship," she noted. "Revolutionary Democracy is a philosophy of communism or socialism. It was designed by Lenin to create a certain period where they could develop and transit to socialism, so the ideology itself is very dictatorial."Ms. Aregash says her challenge to the prime minister is not personal, but policy-driven.
She argues that after 19 years in power, the EPRDF's promise of democratic socialism has failed to materialize. She calls Revolutionary Democracy an ideology of the past."The EPRDF government has failed in the sense that it didn't build or create democratic institutions in the country," she explained. "There is no era of socialism, at least in the immediate future, so the ideology which Meles is still following is, I believe wrong, so I challenge him."The former guerrilla fighter says voters in Adwa are responding to her message, but she doubts Mr. Meles and the ruling party will give up power through the ballot box.
She says Ethiopia's elections are stage-managed affairs designed to produce a desired outcome while giving the impression of multi-party democracy."If people voted against EPRDF, they are not ready to accept it, so they have to create an environment where the opposition couldn't get a majority," she said.
"The only thing it's trying to do is portray he's creating an environment where the election has been held democratically." The May 23 election will be the first parliamentary poll since the disputed 2005 vote, which gave the ruling party a solid majority. Allegations of fraud led to violent demonstrations in which nearly 200 protestors were killed.
Scores of opposition leaders were tried and sentenced to life in prison for their part in the protests, but later pardoned.Ethiopia's most recent elections, the 2008 local council polls, also gave the ruling party an overwhelming victory. After most opposition parties boycotted, the EPRDF and its allies won all but three of 3.6 million seats being contested.
Wednesday, March 17, 2010
Eritrea Recalibrates Somalia Policy
17 Mar 2010
A new UN monitoring report gives fresh and detailed evidence of Eritrea’s support for Somali armed opposition groups. Eritrea says its intentions are misunderstood, but the country has found itself on a dead-end road and is now forced to recalibrate its policy, Georg-Sebastian Holzer writes for ISN Security Watch.
By Georg-Sebastian Holzer for ISN Security Watch
________________________________________
From Eritrea’s point of view, it might all look like a huge misunderstanding. Asmara considers its political, financial and military support for armed opposition groups in Somalia as a legitimate counterbalance to its archenemy, Ethiopia, which invaded Somalia in late 2006 with the consent and active help of the US, thereby shifting the balance of power in the region.
Subsequently, Ethiopia found itself entangled in a counterinsurgency it proved incapable of winning and has since backed the second Transitional Federal Government (TFG) in Mogadishu, which in the meantime also appears doomed to fail, having lost all its political capital and being unable to expand its control beyond the immediate surroundings of the presidential palace in the capital.
Eritrea might also consider its actions as justifiable at a time when an increasing number of regional and western experts are saying that the war on terror in Somalia was a self-fulfilling prophecy and the current exclusive assistance to and backing of the TFG might not be the winning formula to solve or even contain the civil war.
But that is not how the international public, at large, sees things in terms of Eritrea’s contribution to the ongoing insurgency. Eritrea has failed to grasp that a different consensus on the conflict in Somalia has emerged in the wider region, not least with respect to its role in the conflict. But as often the case, totalitarian political systems find it hard to adapt to new developments or to communicate their own views and interests.
In fact, Eritrea made headlines last year as the world’s second most militarized country after North Korea. Moreover, it was given last place in the World Press Freedom Index and was said to have created one of the highest numbers of refugees of any country in the world not at war with its population of 5 million. The thousands fleeing the country were simply "going for a picnic" as President Isaias Afewerki explained in a Reuters interview in October.
Caught off guard
Afewerki, Eritrea’s president since 1993 and leader of the independence movement, was subsequently caught off guard when the African Union (AU), in an unprecedented step, asked the UN Security Council to sanction the country, an AU member, late last year. This incident could not solely be attributed to Ethiopia’s growing influence in the Union.
In December, the UNSC imposed limited sanctions on arms sales to Eritrea and laid the groundwork for sanctions against some of its officials by expanding the mandate of the Somalia Monitoring Group to Eritrea in order to get a clearer picture of Asmara’s involvement in Somalia.
On 5 March, Africa Confidential cited diplomatic sources as saying that the Somalia Monitoring Group had already recommended in mid-2009 that Eritrea’s intelligence chief Colonel Te’ame Goitom, Public Information Minister Ali Abdu Ahmed and the head of political affairs for the ruling People’s Front for Democracy and Justice Yemane Gebreab be designated for sanctions.
The Somalia Monitoring Group reports became the most authoritative documents on Somalia since the US successfully lobbied for Matt Bryden, the renowned regional expert and former director of the International Crisis Group’s Horn of Africa project in Nairobi, to become the group’s new coordinator in 2008. Recent death threats against the five-member monitoring group investigating the links between Somali businessmen and armed opposition groups are an indicator of their in-depth work.
Substantiated allegations
According to the most recent report by the Somalia Monitoring Group discussed on 16 March at the UNSC, “the Government of Eritrea has continued to provide political, diplomatic, financial and - allegedly - military assistance to armed opposition groups in Somalia during the course of the mandate.”
The report describes in detail Asmara’s already well-known role in hosting the senior leadership of the Alliance for the Reliberation of Asmara (ARS)/ARS-Asmara, between November 2007 and April 2009. It details how Asmara facilitated the formation of a new opposition alliance, Hizbul Islam, headed by Hassan Dahir Aweys.
In addition, it describes how Eritrea’s government facilitated the return of Aweys to Mogadishu on 23 April 2009, including an obscure chartered airline story, to assume the leadership of Hizbul Islam and prepare for the movement’s joint al-Shabaab offensive of May 2009.
Asmara’s support included all major armed opposition groups from ARS Asmara, Hizbul Islam to al-Shabaab. The report points out that in addition to military and diplomatic support, Eritrea has consistently provided financial support to the armed groups, with monthly payments to each group in the order of $40,000-$50,000, plus additional funds for large-scale operations.
“Provision of cash permits armed opposition groups to purchase weapons from government forces, thereby arming themselves while disarming their adversaries,” the report stated.
The report points out four high-ranking opposition figures who received such cash contributions during the course of 2009 to show the widespread reach of Asmara’s support for armed opposition groups in Somalia. They include Yusuf Mohamed Siyaad ‘Indha’adde’ (ARS-Asmara, central regions, subsequently joined the TFG as defense minister); Issa ‘Kaambooni’ (Raas Kaambooni forces, Lower Juba region, arrested in Kenya late in 2009); Mukhtar Roobow (al-Shabaab, Bay and Bakool regions); and Mohamed Wali Sheikh Ahmed Nuur (Hizbul Islam, Gedo region).
“Eritrea continues to send arms to Somalia in small vessels via the northern Somali port of Laasqoray for onward shipment to Shabaab forces in southern Somalia,” according to their sources. “In May 2009, Eritrea allegedly sent Ukrainian-made small arms and anti-tank weapons to Hizbul Islam via the port of Kismaayo.”
In addition, Eritrea also maintains training camps for Somalia’s armed opposition groups near Assab in eastern Eritrea as well as near Teseney to the west, at times even deploying trainers and/or military advisers inside Somalia to assist armed opposition groups.
Successful international pressure?
Eritrea’s line of defense is to strictly reject all allegations and demand hard evidence. While some analysts fear that the current sanctions might further alienate Afewerki and exacerbate his sense of isolation, Asmara is already recalibrating its policy toward Somalia despite the rhetoric distractions.
According to the Monitoring Group, "By late 2009, possibly in response to international pressure, the scale and nature of Eritrean support had either diminished or become less visible, but had not altogether ceased."
Another explanation might yet be as persuasive: Eritrea’s links to all major Somalia armed opposition groups have become an increasing liability to the country’s interest.
A good example is the senior al-Shabaab official Sheikh Mukhtar Robow publicly declaring to send fighters to Yemen to help al-Qaida there in its fight against foreign forces at the end of last year. Even though this was only a propaganda move, it endangered Eritrea’s relations with Yemeni President Ali Abdullah Saleh, which is why Afewerki was quick in criticizing and distancing himself from al-Shabaab’s move.
In addition, al-Shabaab and Hizbul Islam are not only split by clan and sub-clan divisions, but persistently fight over strategic installations such as the port of Kismayo, from which revenues are an important income for Somalia’s war economy. In an environment in which ideology and alliances come second to money, Asmara realized it could quickly find itself caught between two forces in trying to support the major armed opposition groups in the country.
As Eritrea has no genuine political interests in Somalia but sees it as a mere battle ground to counterbalance Ethiopia and engage in a proxy war on Somali soil, it finds it easier than Ethiopia to recalibrate its policy. Hence, Asmara downscaled its support and shifted it to Hizbul Islam, in which it sees an ideologically less radical actor with whom it might be easier to deal.
In the end, Asmara would like to have its stake in a potential political settlement in Mogadishu, whatever that might look like. Taking into consideration Asmara’s past inability to communicate with regional and international actors in Somalia, this might well remain wishful thinking.
________________________________________
Georg-Sebastian Holzer is an analyst and free-lance journalist. He focuses in particular on conflict dynamics in the wider Horn of Africa.
________________________________________
International Relations and Security Network (ISN)
Medrek held successful meeting in Mekele, Tigray
Medrek held successful meeting in Mekele, Tigray over the weekend (Sunday). The hall was packed and others were forced to listen from out side. There were more than 4 thousand people in total Click here to read Ato Siye Abrha’s speech.
Eritrea rejects U.N. report it backs Somali rebels
Tue Mar 16, 2010 6:40pm GMT
ReutersUK
- U.N. says Eritrea's support for rebels continues
- Eritrea points to lack of hard evidence
By Jeremy ClarkeASMARA, March 16 (Reuters) - Eritrea has responded angrily to a report by a U.N. monitoring group alleging that the Asmara government is still supporting insurgent groups fighting the Somali administration.
In December, the U.N. Security Council imposed sanctions on Eritrea, accusing it of backing rebel groups in Somalia, where at least 21,000 people have been killed in violence since the beginning of 2007.
The latest report by the U.N. Monitoring Group on Somalia, which is being discussed by the Security Council this week, said Eritrea had continued its support in 2009.
In a statement issued on Monday, Eritrea's Foreign Ministry described the allegation as "concocted, baseless and unfounded", adding: "It is indisputable that Eritrea had not and would never extend any support to Somali armed groups.
"The government of Eritrea challenges those quarters indulging in utterly baseless allegations through fabricating and disseminating naked lies in the name of the U.N."
Eritrea repeated its call for hard evidence to be presented publicly and demanded an independent platform allowing it to respond.
EVIDENCE THINS
The new U.N. report softens accusations made previously, saying there is less evidence Eritrea is still providing military support to insurgents.
However, it says Asmara continues its diplomatic, logistical and financial support for the rebels.
"By late 2009, possibly in response to international pressure, the scale and nature of Eritrean support had either diminished or become less visible, but had not altogether ceased," the report said.
"It is the opinion of the Monitoring Group that the government of Eritrea has continued to provide political, diplomatic, financial and -- allegedly -- military assistance to armed opposition groups in Somalia."
A Western diplomat told Reuters it was regrettable the charges against Eritrea could not be more widely substantiated, but said there was evidence that could not be made public for security reasons.
Asmara says the lack of hard evidence makes the sanctions resolution illegitimate and illegal.
When Ethiopia, Eritrea's neighbour and arch-enemy, invaded Somalia in 2007 to drive out an Islamist administration in the capital, some of the leaders sought refuge in Eritrea.
The Islamists formed an opposition party but the leadership split when Sheikh Sharif Ahmed joined a Western-backed peace process and was elected president of Somalia in January 2009.
His former ally, Sheikh Hassan Dahir Aweys, left Eritrea last year and is now leader of the Somali insurgent group Hizbul Islam which is fighting Ahmed's government.
(Additional reporting by Abdiaziz Hassan in Nairobi) (Editing by David Clarke and Andrew Dobbie)Tuesday, March 16, 2010
US Rights Report Lists Birtukan Mideksa as Political Prisoner
Peter Heinlein ( VOA Addis Ababa )
The U.S. State Department’s annual human rights reports says Ethiopia is holding several hundred political prisoners, including the leader of one of the country’s largest opposition parties. Ethiopia has reacted strongly to past U.S. criticisms of its rights record.
The 2009 human rights report says Birtukan Mideksa, president of Ethiopia’s opposition Unity for Democracy and Justice party, was held in solitary confinement for the first six months of the year despite a court ruling that it violated her constitutional rights. The 61-page document says there were credible reports that Birtukan’s mental health deteriorated significantly during the year.
Birtukan was among scores of political activists sentenced to life in prison following Ethiopia’s disputed 2005 election, then later pardoned. She was jailed again in December, 2008 and ordered to serve out her life sentence after refusing to apologize for saying she had not requested the pardon.
The 35-year-old single mother was recently listed by the U.N. Human Rights Council as a victim of arbitrary detention, and by Amnesty International as a prisoner of conscience. But at news conference late last year, Ethiopia’s Prime Minister Meles Zenawi staunchly defended her re-imprisonment, saying it was based on ‘elementary notions of the rule of law’.
“She had her day in court, was sentenced by this independent court,” he said. “This lady was advised by anybody, everybody who could talk to her, including diplomats, elders and even some members of her party that it would be wrong for her to go to prison simply because she wouldn’t correct the wrong statement that she made and expose herself to reinstatement of the court’s decision. She refused to do so because she was convinced some human rights organizations abroad, her supporters and sympathizers both abroad and here, would spring her out of prison. We knew that was a very dangerous miscalculation.”
The 2009 State Department report alleges numerous violations of press and academic freedom in Ethiopia, as well as what are called restrictions of the people’s right to change their government peacefully.
With Ethiopia’s next national elections less than three months away, the report noted that the ruling party and its allies had won all but three of the seats contested in the 2008 nationwide local elections. The report also questioned the government claim of a 93-percent voter turnout in the 2008 vote, saying no foreign observers had been allowed.
An Ethiopian foreign ministry spokesman said no response has yet been prepared to this year’s State Department report. But in answer to the 2008 report, the government published a 68-page booklet calling the allegations ‘baseless work of rumormongers and political opportunists’. It said much of the information came from non-governmental organizations and opposition groups which survive on U.S. government funding.
Ethiopia’s parliament has since approved a law forbidding any NGO that receives more than 10 percent of its funds from foreign sources from promoting human and democratic rights.
The acting U.S. Ambassador to Ethiopia, John Yates, Thursday defended the contents of the 2009 report. He said the authors make every effort to verify all information in the document.
“We gather information from lots of different sources, then we here in Addis and our people in the United States try hard to examine and verify reports before putting them into the human rights report,” said John Yates. “We consult a lot of people, but we don’t accept anything at face value until we do our best to verify, and if we can’t verify to some degree, it’s not included.”
The annual State Department human rights report is mandated by Congress. This year’s two-million word document covers conditions in 194 countries.
Introducing the 2009 report, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton called it the most comprehensive record available on the status of human rights worldwide.
The U.S. State Department’s annual human rights reports says Ethiopia is holding several hundred political prisoners, including the leader of one of the country’s largest opposition parties. Ethiopia has reacted strongly to past U.S. criticisms of its rights record.
The 2009 human rights report says Birtukan Mideksa, president of Ethiopia’s opposition Unity for Democracy and Justice party, was held in solitary confinement for the first six months of the year despite a court ruling that it violated her constitutional rights. The 61-page document says there were credible reports that Birtukan’s mental health deteriorated significantly during the year.
Birtukan was among scores of political activists sentenced to life in prison following Ethiopia’s disputed 2005 election, then later pardoned. She was jailed again in December, 2008 and ordered to serve out her life sentence after refusing to apologize for saying she had not requested the pardon.
The 35-year-old single mother was recently listed by the U.N. Human Rights Council as a victim of arbitrary detention, and by Amnesty International as a prisoner of conscience. But at news conference late last year, Ethiopia’s Prime Minister Meles Zenawi staunchly defended her re-imprisonment, saying it was based on ‘elementary notions of the rule of law’.
“She had her day in court, was sentenced by this independent court,” he said. “This lady was advised by anybody, everybody who could talk to her, including diplomats, elders and even some members of her party that it would be wrong for her to go to prison simply because she wouldn’t correct the wrong statement that she made and expose herself to reinstatement of the court’s decision. She refused to do so because she was convinced some human rights organizations abroad, her supporters and sympathizers both abroad and here, would spring her out of prison. We knew that was a very dangerous miscalculation.”
The 2009 State Department report alleges numerous violations of press and academic freedom in Ethiopia, as well as what are called restrictions of the people’s right to change their government peacefully.
With Ethiopia’s next national elections less than three months away, the report noted that the ruling party and its allies had won all but three of the seats contested in the 2008 nationwide local elections. The report also questioned the government claim of a 93-percent voter turnout in the 2008 vote, saying no foreign observers had been allowed.
An Ethiopian foreign ministry spokesman said no response has yet been prepared to this year’s State Department report. But in answer to the 2008 report, the government published a 68-page booklet calling the allegations ‘baseless work of rumormongers and political opportunists’. It said much of the information came from non-governmental organizations and opposition groups which survive on U.S. government funding.
Ethiopia’s parliament has since approved a law forbidding any NGO that receives more than 10 percent of its funds from foreign sources from promoting human and democratic rights.
The acting U.S. Ambassador to Ethiopia, John Yates, Thursday defended the contents of the 2009 report. He said the authors make every effort to verify all information in the document.
“We gather information from lots of different sources, then we here in Addis and our people in the United States try hard to examine and verify reports before putting them into the human rights report,” said John Yates. “We consult a lot of people, but we don’t accept anything at face value until we do our best to verify, and if we can’t verify to some degree, it’s not included.”
The annual State Department human rights report is mandated by Congress. This year’s two-million word document covers conditions in 194 countries.
Introducing the 2009 report, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton called it the most comprehensive record available on the status of human rights worldwide.
ERITREA STILL AIDING SOMALI REBELS
By Arieh O’Sullivan on Monday, March 15, 2010
The Media Line™ (TML)
Eritrea supports Somali rebels to weaken its Ethiopian foe in defiance of UN sanctions.
Eritrea has continued to support and arm anti-government Islamist groups in Somalia in violation of a UN Security Council resolution, a new UN report says.
A report expected to be released by the UN’s Monitoring Group on Somalia notes that while Eritrea appears to have scaled down its military assistance to Islamist insurgents, it has not completely stopped it.
In 2009 "the government of Eritrea has continued to provide political, diplomatic, financial and -- allegedly -- military assistance to armed opposition groups in Somalia," read the report, due to be presented this week to the UN Security Council.
Eritrea itself came under a UN arms embargo and sanctions last year for aiding Somali rebels. Analysts said that from the beginning it was questionable whether the UN moves would significantly curb Eritrea. Eritrea’s main motivation was to back insurgents who were fighting its main foe, Ethiopia.
EJ Hogendoorn, director of the Horn of Africa Project at the International Crisis Group, described the Eritrean regime as “very belligerent and totalitarian.”
“They don’t have to heed the sanctions and the question really is if these sanctions would have a real impact or just be sending a signal,” Hogendoorn told The Media Line. “That said, it does seem that the Eritrean support seems to have lessoned and it is possible that all this international pressure is having some impact.”
According to the UN’s Monitoring Group on Somalia’s report, by late 2009 Eritrea appears to have either diminished or made less visible its military assistance, while continuing to provide political, diplomatic and possibly financial support to numerous Islamist insurgents fighting in the region.
The UN report claimed that the main recipients of Eritrean aid remain the Hezb al-Islam group of Hassan Dahir Aweys, who returned to Somalia last April with Eritrean help and launched an insurgency against the government a month later.
Eritrea also gave financial support to the Ras Kamboni militia and the al-Qa’ida inspired al-Shabaab movement, which controls close to 80 percent of south-central Somalia.
Hogendoorn said that Eritrea and Ethiopia were at a proxy war, using rival Islamist groups in Somalia to undermine each other.
“Eritrea has always supported groups that are hostile to Ethiopia,” Hogendoorn said. “That has very much been a large part of their international calculations. It was in Eritrea’s interest because they [the insurgents] were basically bleeding Ethiopia.”
“Because it fears a renewed war with Ethiopia, it has carried out large-scale mobilization and forced conscription of its young male population.” Hogendoorn said. “They are a deeply unpopular regime and part of their solution to deal with this is to mobilize the people against external threats.”
The UN report also leveled criticism at the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) in Somalia saying it was not improving despite foreign aid.
“Despite infusions of foreign training and assistance, government security forces remain ineffective, disorganized and corrupt,” the UN report said.
The Media Line™ (TML)
Eritrea supports Somali rebels to weaken its Ethiopian foe in defiance of UN sanctions.
Eritrea has continued to support and arm anti-government Islamist groups in Somalia in violation of a UN Security Council resolution, a new UN report says.
A report expected to be released by the UN’s Monitoring Group on Somalia notes that while Eritrea appears to have scaled down its military assistance to Islamist insurgents, it has not completely stopped it.
In 2009 "the government of Eritrea has continued to provide political, diplomatic, financial and -- allegedly -- military assistance to armed opposition groups in Somalia," read the report, due to be presented this week to the UN Security Council.
Eritrea itself came under a UN arms embargo and sanctions last year for aiding Somali rebels. Analysts said that from the beginning it was questionable whether the UN moves would significantly curb Eritrea. Eritrea’s main motivation was to back insurgents who were fighting its main foe, Ethiopia.
EJ Hogendoorn, director of the Horn of Africa Project at the International Crisis Group, described the Eritrean regime as “very belligerent and totalitarian.”
“They don’t have to heed the sanctions and the question really is if these sanctions would have a real impact or just be sending a signal,” Hogendoorn told The Media Line. “That said, it does seem that the Eritrean support seems to have lessoned and it is possible that all this international pressure is having some impact.”
According to the UN’s Monitoring Group on Somalia’s report, by late 2009 Eritrea appears to have either diminished or made less visible its military assistance, while continuing to provide political, diplomatic and possibly financial support to numerous Islamist insurgents fighting in the region.
The UN report claimed that the main recipients of Eritrean aid remain the Hezb al-Islam group of Hassan Dahir Aweys, who returned to Somalia last April with Eritrean help and launched an insurgency against the government a month later.
Eritrea also gave financial support to the Ras Kamboni militia and the al-Qa’ida inspired al-Shabaab movement, which controls close to 80 percent of south-central Somalia.
Hogendoorn said that Eritrea and Ethiopia were at a proxy war, using rival Islamist groups in Somalia to undermine each other.
“Eritrea has always supported groups that are hostile to Ethiopia,” Hogendoorn said. “That has very much been a large part of their international calculations. It was in Eritrea’s interest because they [the insurgents] were basically bleeding Ethiopia.”
“Because it fears a renewed war with Ethiopia, it has carried out large-scale mobilization and forced conscription of its young male population.” Hogendoorn said. “They are a deeply unpopular regime and part of their solution to deal with this is to mobilize the people against external threats.”
The UN report also leveled criticism at the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) in Somalia saying it was not improving despite foreign aid.
“Despite infusions of foreign training and assistance, government security forces remain ineffective, disorganized and corrupt,” the UN report said.
Somali government signs deal with powerful militia
By MOHAMED OLAD HASSAN (AP)
The Associated Press
MOGADISHU, Somalia — Somalia's government signed an agreement with a powerful militia on Monday that offers high-level militants senior government positions in return for their military support during a long-planned offensive against an Islamist insurgency.
The agreement gave the Ahlu-sunah Wal-jamea militia five ministries as well as diplomatic posts and senior positions within the police and intelligence services.
The militia holds several towns and districts in central Somalia. The weak U.N.-backed government barely clings to a few blocks of the capital of Mogadishu with the help of more than 6,000 African Union peacekeepers.
The government came under attack by insurgents again on Monday as both sides traded mortar and machine gun fire after the president returned from Dubai. Casualty figures were not immediately available. Scores were killed in fighting last week.
Sheikh Mohamed Dahir Hefow, the militia's head, signed the deal with Somali finance minister Sharif Hassan Sheik Aden at a ceremony held at the African Union's headquarters in the Ethiopian capital of Addis Ababa.
Somalia's Prime Minister Omar Abdirashid Ali Sharmarke said at the signing ceremony that the deal was part of a larger reconciliation plan.
"With this agreement, the government of Somalia and Ahlu-sunah Wal-jamea have taken an essential step in the strategy towards restoring peace and stability to our beloved country," he said. "It is a victory for peace and a cursed defeat for spoilers and extremist groups."
Analysts say Ahlu-sunah Wal-jamea have long enjoyed Ethiopian support, receiving money and weapons in return for trying to stop Somali Islamists from crossing the long, porous border into Ethiopia, where ethnically Somali rebels are already fighting against Ethiopia's government.
Several residents of areas where moderate Islamists hold power welcomed the deal, but political analyst Issa Abdulahi warned of internal power struggles hurting the deal.
"This will militarily boast the government and will help (the militia) get wider support in their fight against (the insurgency)," Abdulahi said. "But it would be another problem if (militia) members disagree within themselves, when it comes to sharing the ministerial ranks."
The militia was active in the 1990's but grew prominent in 2008 after Somalia's traditional Sufis were angered by the destruction of the tombs of their saints by hardline Islamists.
Ethiopia sent troops into Somalia in 2006 to topple the Islamists but withdrew a year ago amid concerns their presence was only fueling the conflict. Both Ethiopia and its archenemy Eritrea have repeatedly been accused of using Somalia to fight a proxy war.
Somalia, which has not had a central government for 19 years, is split not only between the Islamists and the government but also freelance clan militias.
Underscoring the difficulties, the same day the agreement was signed a senior militia official, Sheik Hassan Qoryoley, denounced it, saying there had not been enough consultation. He objected to a section that called for integrating the group's fighters into government forces.
Associated Press Writers Malkhadir M. Muhumed in Nairobi, Kenya and Samson Haileyesus in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia contributed to this report.
Copyright © 2010 The Associated Press. All rights reserved.
The Associated Press
MOGADISHU, Somalia — Somalia's government signed an agreement with a powerful militia on Monday that offers high-level militants senior government positions in return for their military support during a long-planned offensive against an Islamist insurgency.
The agreement gave the Ahlu-sunah Wal-jamea militia five ministries as well as diplomatic posts and senior positions within the police and intelligence services.
The militia holds several towns and districts in central Somalia. The weak U.N.-backed government barely clings to a few blocks of the capital of Mogadishu with the help of more than 6,000 African Union peacekeepers.
The government came under attack by insurgents again on Monday as both sides traded mortar and machine gun fire after the president returned from Dubai. Casualty figures were not immediately available. Scores were killed in fighting last week.
Sheikh Mohamed Dahir Hefow, the militia's head, signed the deal with Somali finance minister Sharif Hassan Sheik Aden at a ceremony held at the African Union's headquarters in the Ethiopian capital of Addis Ababa.
Somalia's Prime Minister Omar Abdirashid Ali Sharmarke said at the signing ceremony that the deal was part of a larger reconciliation plan.
"With this agreement, the government of Somalia and Ahlu-sunah Wal-jamea have taken an essential step in the strategy towards restoring peace and stability to our beloved country," he said. "It is a victory for peace and a cursed defeat for spoilers and extremist groups."
Analysts say Ahlu-sunah Wal-jamea have long enjoyed Ethiopian support, receiving money and weapons in return for trying to stop Somali Islamists from crossing the long, porous border into Ethiopia, where ethnically Somali rebels are already fighting against Ethiopia's government.
Several residents of areas where moderate Islamists hold power welcomed the deal, but political analyst Issa Abdulahi warned of internal power struggles hurting the deal.
"This will militarily boast the government and will help (the militia) get wider support in their fight against (the insurgency)," Abdulahi said. "But it would be another problem if (militia) members disagree within themselves, when it comes to sharing the ministerial ranks."
The militia was active in the 1990's but grew prominent in 2008 after Somalia's traditional Sufis were angered by the destruction of the tombs of their saints by hardline Islamists.
Ethiopia sent troops into Somalia in 2006 to topple the Islamists but withdrew a year ago amid concerns their presence was only fueling the conflict. Both Ethiopia and its archenemy Eritrea have repeatedly been accused of using Somalia to fight a proxy war.
Somalia, which has not had a central government for 19 years, is split not only between the Islamists and the government but also freelance clan militias.
Underscoring the difficulties, the same day the agreement was signed a senior militia official, Sheik Hassan Qoryoley, denounced it, saying there had not been enough consultation. He objected to a section that called for integrating the group's fighters into government forces.
Associated Press Writers Malkhadir M. Muhumed in Nairobi, Kenya and Samson Haileyesus in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia contributed to this report.
Copyright © 2010 The Associated Press. All rights reserved.
Ethiopia: Opposition Criticizes Verdict in Killing
By JASON McLURE
New York Times
A leader of Ethiopia's opposition alliance on Monday criticized a court verdict in the stabbing death of an opposition parliamentary candidate, accusing the ruling party of intimidating a key witness. The candidate, Aregawi Gebre-Yohannes, was killed March 2 at his restaurant in the Tigray region. The opposition said the candidate was killed by supporters of the ruling party. The killer, Tsegie Berhane, was sentenced last week to 15 years in prison, said Shimeles Kemal, a government spokesman. Mr. Tsegie was granted leniency because he had confessed, Mr. Shimeles said, adding that the accused was not a member of a party. “It was an arranged and orchestrated court,” said Gebru Asrat, a leader of the Arena party, part of the opposition alliance. He said witnesses who testified had been “involved in the killing.”
New York Times
A leader of Ethiopia's opposition alliance on Monday criticized a court verdict in the stabbing death of an opposition parliamentary candidate, accusing the ruling party of intimidating a key witness. The candidate, Aregawi Gebre-Yohannes, was killed March 2 at his restaurant in the Tigray region. The opposition said the candidate was killed by supporters of the ruling party. The killer, Tsegie Berhane, was sentenced last week to 15 years in prison, said Shimeles Kemal, a government spokesman. Mr. Tsegie was granted leniency because he had confessed, Mr. Shimeles said, adding that the accused was not a member of a party. “It was an arranged and orchestrated court,” said Gebru Asrat, a leader of the Arena party, part of the opposition alliance. He said witnesses who testified had been “involved in the killing.”
Ethiopians, Eritreans Eager to Mend Broken [Bridges]
By Abebe Gellaw March 16, 2010
Ethiopian and Eritrean scholars took turns to lay the blame for the separation of the Ethiopian and Eritrean people on dictatorial rulers and extremist “liberation fronts” that took secession as the only viable solution to a complex problem. Speaking at the Ethiopian and Eritrean Friendship Conference in San Jose, California, which was held from March 12-14, panelists and members of the public emphasized the need to start a process of healing, renewal and normalization of people to people relations as the feeling of enmity were created and fuelled by succeeding rulers and elites that never represent the interests and desires of their people.
Opening the conference, Dr Worku Negash, who moderated the dialogue without taking sides on behalf of the Stanford Ethiopian Forum, noted that the unique gathering was a beginning in the right direction to normalize the toxic relations between Ethiopians and Eritreans, who have been through so much conflicts and pains due to their tragic past.
Eritrean Professor Mesfin Araya of City University of New York said that the Eritrean middle class that blindly rallied around Isaias Afeworki and the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front committed a “collective suicide in post-independence Eritrea.”
He noted that even during the Eritrean referendum, there had never been a public debate on the available options to resolve the Eritrean question. “It was merely the EPLF’s agenda that was carried out with TPLF. The intellectual class never demanded a public debate over the cost and benefits of independence,” he said.
According to Professor Mesfin, the Eritrean intelligentsia should particularly take the responsibility for sheepishly allowing the political class led by the EPLF to impose its narrow will and opt for the territorial independence of Eritrea without involving and consulting the people. “Spinelessly, the intellectual class backed EPLF actions to support the referendum in the total absence of democratic debates.” The Professor, who was bluntly honest, pointed out that it would be logical to argue that the Eritrean referendum was not really authentic.
Professor Mesfin also questioned the motive and wisdom of the Eritrean business class to opt for separation in spite of the fact that a significant number of its members had comfortable lives and thriving businesses within Ethiopia since the reign of Emperor Haile Selassie. “Normally, one would expect that the Eritrean business class, driven by self-interest, would seek a bigger and expanding market. Why they have chosen to confine themselves to a much narrower market is incomprehensible.” The professor went on to say that the business and intellectual classes in post-independence Eritrea ended up paying a heavy price because of their myopic miscalculations.
“Monopolizing business activities, EPLF has almost wiped out the Eritrean business class. The wealthy Eritrean business people of the good old days are no more there,” he said. Professor Mesfin underscored the fact that those Eritrean intellectuals and business people, who had given unwarranted support to independence, have now been losers confronting a crisis of hegemony as well as political, economic and social problems in liberated Eritrea under Isaias Afeworki, who has turned the nation into a pariah state.
The professor pointed out that the Horn of Africa, which has been facing cyclic tyranny and poverty, has a potential to unify gradually on condition that the sub-region is free from destructive and divisive tyrannies. For that to happen, according to Professor Mesfin, the intellectual class need to reflect on its past mistakes and develop the capacity to “dream big and beautiful” to reconcile with its tragic past and envision a better future for generations to come.
Another Eritrean scholar, Professor Tesfatsion Medhanie, who teaches politics and law at Bremen University, Germany, on his part tried to analyze why Ethiopia and Eritrea were separated and how they can start a process of reunification that can lead up to federation. According to him, the main cause of the conflict between the Ethiopian state and Eritrean nationalists was mainly a result of the decision taken by Emperor Haile Selassie to dissolve Eritrea’s federal status in 1962.
The professor went on to claim that the ruling elites, both in Ethiopia and Eritrea, were not ready for rational solutions as they held extremist views akin to Manichaeism, which sees the world as a struggle between the forces of good and evil. Professor Tesfatsion identified the current rulers of both nations as tyrannical that did not even allow popular debates and dialogues on the question of Eritrea. He also admitted the fact that the separation of Eritrea was not done in a legitimate and just manner but emphasized that people have to accept the current reality.
While TPLF sees itself as the champion of Eritrean independence but with a sinister motive, the EPLF, backed by the TPLF, has taken an unscientific view that claimed that the Ethio-Eritrean problem was a colonial issue. Professor Tesfatsion said that both Eritreans and Ethiopians, who have suffered a great deal as a result of their terrible history of conflict and hostility, need to make efforts to treat and understand one another with “deep sense of sympathy.” He also lambasted Ethiopian opposition groups who naively believe that Eritrean dictator Isaias Afeworki would genuinely help liberate Ethiopia. He said it was insensitive on the part of some Ethiopian groups and individuals who have gone to the extent of naming the Eritrean tyrant Isaias Afeworki person of the year.
The professor said that Ethiopians and Eritreans, should the pre-conditions be fulfilled, need to consider an “open confederation” that can lead to reunion based on a fair federal arrangement.
Historian Dr Daniel Kindie, argued that federation, instead of confederation, was much more plausible than confederation given the history of the two nations. Dr Daniel laced his argument with a historical context by emphasizing on the root causes of tensions and conflicts that were deliberately created and sustained by colonial powers especially the British Empire that has deliberately sowed deadly divisions and conflicts among the people of Africa.
One of the founders of the Tigray People Liberation Front, Dr. Aregawi Berhe, who resides in The Hague and is currently a researcher at Leiden University, spoke about the “horrendous looting and plundering” being committed by Meles Zenawi and his cronies. According to Dr. Aregawi, the main obstacles for peace, reconciliation and unity in the Horn of Africa are the ruthless rulers robbing and messing up the poor people.
He said that the most important precondition for co-operation and reconciliation between the oppressed people of Ethiopia and Eritrea is freedom. “Under these dictatorial regimes, neither confederation nor federation can be viable alternatives,” he noted.
Executive director of the Solidarity Movement for a New Ethiopia, Obang Metho took the podium and delivered a rousing speech that touched the hearts of so many people. After talking about his own experience of being treated differently by fellow Ethiopians because of the colour of his skin, Obang highlighted the need to focus more on our humanity than ethnic origins, commonness rather than differences as people of one nation.
Obang pointed out that there was an urgent need for healing among Ethiopians and Eritreans who have been subjected to extremely traumatic suffering and bloodshed. He said that people should go through four phases of transitions: awareness of the truth, transformation, healing and embracing one another with wholehearted compassion and forgiveness.
Jawar Mohammed talked about the need to challenge tyranny through nonviolence, which has proven to be a potent force of change across the world. In a well-articulated presentation, he forcefully advocated that opposition groups need to adapt nonviolent struggle as a means to bring about change in Ethiopia. According to Jawar, nonviolent strategies and tactics have yet to be employed to mobilize people to confront and disobey those who are abusing them in a well-coordinated and systematic manner.
On my part, I emphasized on the need to confront the truth to start a process of healing and reconciliation as well as taking Ethio-Eritrean initiatives at grassroots levels that can deepen trust and eventually help rebuild the broken bridges and bonds between the two nations.
Other panelists and members of the public lined up to speak out their divergent views on issues related to Ethio-Eritrean relations and the prevailing realities in the two nations. While the majority of participants have expressed their delight with the start of such a unique dialogue which can eventually lead to repair the damage done on Ethio-Eritrean relations, there were also few suspected supporters of the TPLF who exhibited their lack of civility and intolerance to freedom of expression. A couple of them were seen hurling tantrums, shaking their fists and pulling out their hairs in a futile bid to intimidate participants, including myself, from expressing honest views. Despite all that, the conference was concluded without any serious incident and renewed hope for a better future.
At the conclusion of the three-day conference, special plaques were presented to Professor Tesfatsion Medhanie and Dr. Daniel Kindie for their extraordinary effort to promote peace and reconciliation between Eritreans and Ethiopians. Other members of the panel were also awarded certificates of commendations.
---The writer is a visiting scholar at the Center on Democracy, Development and Rule of Law (CDDRL) and fellow at the Hoover Institution, Stanford University, California. He can be reached at abebe@stanford.edu.
Ethiopian and Eritrean scholars took turns to lay the blame for the separation of the Ethiopian and Eritrean people on dictatorial rulers and extremist “liberation fronts” that took secession as the only viable solution to a complex problem. Speaking at the Ethiopian and Eritrean Friendship Conference in San Jose, California, which was held from March 12-14, panelists and members of the public emphasized the need to start a process of healing, renewal and normalization of people to people relations as the feeling of enmity were created and fuelled by succeeding rulers and elites that never represent the interests and desires of their people.
Opening the conference, Dr Worku Negash, who moderated the dialogue without taking sides on behalf of the Stanford Ethiopian Forum, noted that the unique gathering was a beginning in the right direction to normalize the toxic relations between Ethiopians and Eritreans, who have been through so much conflicts and pains due to their tragic past.
Eritrean Professor Mesfin Araya of City University of New York said that the Eritrean middle class that blindly rallied around Isaias Afeworki and the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front committed a “collective suicide in post-independence Eritrea.”
He noted that even during the Eritrean referendum, there had never been a public debate on the available options to resolve the Eritrean question. “It was merely the EPLF’s agenda that was carried out with TPLF. The intellectual class never demanded a public debate over the cost and benefits of independence,” he said.
According to Professor Mesfin, the Eritrean intelligentsia should particularly take the responsibility for sheepishly allowing the political class led by the EPLF to impose its narrow will and opt for the territorial independence of Eritrea without involving and consulting the people. “Spinelessly, the intellectual class backed EPLF actions to support the referendum in the total absence of democratic debates.” The Professor, who was bluntly honest, pointed out that it would be logical to argue that the Eritrean referendum was not really authentic.
Professor Mesfin also questioned the motive and wisdom of the Eritrean business class to opt for separation in spite of the fact that a significant number of its members had comfortable lives and thriving businesses within Ethiopia since the reign of Emperor Haile Selassie. “Normally, one would expect that the Eritrean business class, driven by self-interest, would seek a bigger and expanding market. Why they have chosen to confine themselves to a much narrower market is incomprehensible.” The professor went on to say that the business and intellectual classes in post-independence Eritrea ended up paying a heavy price because of their myopic miscalculations.
“Monopolizing business activities, EPLF has almost wiped out the Eritrean business class. The wealthy Eritrean business people of the good old days are no more there,” he said. Professor Mesfin underscored the fact that those Eritrean intellectuals and business people, who had given unwarranted support to independence, have now been losers confronting a crisis of hegemony as well as political, economic and social problems in liberated Eritrea under Isaias Afeworki, who has turned the nation into a pariah state.
The professor pointed out that the Horn of Africa, which has been facing cyclic tyranny and poverty, has a potential to unify gradually on condition that the sub-region is free from destructive and divisive tyrannies. For that to happen, according to Professor Mesfin, the intellectual class need to reflect on its past mistakes and develop the capacity to “dream big and beautiful” to reconcile with its tragic past and envision a better future for generations to come.
Another Eritrean scholar, Professor Tesfatsion Medhanie, who teaches politics and law at Bremen University, Germany, on his part tried to analyze why Ethiopia and Eritrea were separated and how they can start a process of reunification that can lead up to federation. According to him, the main cause of the conflict between the Ethiopian state and Eritrean nationalists was mainly a result of the decision taken by Emperor Haile Selassie to dissolve Eritrea’s federal status in 1962.
The professor went on to claim that the ruling elites, both in Ethiopia and Eritrea, were not ready for rational solutions as they held extremist views akin to Manichaeism, which sees the world as a struggle between the forces of good and evil. Professor Tesfatsion identified the current rulers of both nations as tyrannical that did not even allow popular debates and dialogues on the question of Eritrea. He also admitted the fact that the separation of Eritrea was not done in a legitimate and just manner but emphasized that people have to accept the current reality.
While TPLF sees itself as the champion of Eritrean independence but with a sinister motive, the EPLF, backed by the TPLF, has taken an unscientific view that claimed that the Ethio-Eritrean problem was a colonial issue. Professor Tesfatsion said that both Eritreans and Ethiopians, who have suffered a great deal as a result of their terrible history of conflict and hostility, need to make efforts to treat and understand one another with “deep sense of sympathy.” He also lambasted Ethiopian opposition groups who naively believe that Eritrean dictator Isaias Afeworki would genuinely help liberate Ethiopia. He said it was insensitive on the part of some Ethiopian groups and individuals who have gone to the extent of naming the Eritrean tyrant Isaias Afeworki person of the year.
The professor said that Ethiopians and Eritreans, should the pre-conditions be fulfilled, need to consider an “open confederation” that can lead to reunion based on a fair federal arrangement.
Historian Dr Daniel Kindie, argued that federation, instead of confederation, was much more plausible than confederation given the history of the two nations. Dr Daniel laced his argument with a historical context by emphasizing on the root causes of tensions and conflicts that were deliberately created and sustained by colonial powers especially the British Empire that has deliberately sowed deadly divisions and conflicts among the people of Africa.
One of the founders of the Tigray People Liberation Front, Dr. Aregawi Berhe, who resides in The Hague and is currently a researcher at Leiden University, spoke about the “horrendous looting and plundering” being committed by Meles Zenawi and his cronies. According to Dr. Aregawi, the main obstacles for peace, reconciliation and unity in the Horn of Africa are the ruthless rulers robbing and messing up the poor people.
He said that the most important precondition for co-operation and reconciliation between the oppressed people of Ethiopia and Eritrea is freedom. “Under these dictatorial regimes, neither confederation nor federation can be viable alternatives,” he noted.
Executive director of the Solidarity Movement for a New Ethiopia, Obang Metho took the podium and delivered a rousing speech that touched the hearts of so many people. After talking about his own experience of being treated differently by fellow Ethiopians because of the colour of his skin, Obang highlighted the need to focus more on our humanity than ethnic origins, commonness rather than differences as people of one nation.
Obang pointed out that there was an urgent need for healing among Ethiopians and Eritreans who have been subjected to extremely traumatic suffering and bloodshed. He said that people should go through four phases of transitions: awareness of the truth, transformation, healing and embracing one another with wholehearted compassion and forgiveness.
Jawar Mohammed talked about the need to challenge tyranny through nonviolence, which has proven to be a potent force of change across the world. In a well-articulated presentation, he forcefully advocated that opposition groups need to adapt nonviolent struggle as a means to bring about change in Ethiopia. According to Jawar, nonviolent strategies and tactics have yet to be employed to mobilize people to confront and disobey those who are abusing them in a well-coordinated and systematic manner.
On my part, I emphasized on the need to confront the truth to start a process of healing and reconciliation as well as taking Ethio-Eritrean initiatives at grassroots levels that can deepen trust and eventually help rebuild the broken bridges and bonds between the two nations.
Other panelists and members of the public lined up to speak out their divergent views on issues related to Ethio-Eritrean relations and the prevailing realities in the two nations. While the majority of participants have expressed their delight with the start of such a unique dialogue which can eventually lead to repair the damage done on Ethio-Eritrean relations, there were also few suspected supporters of the TPLF who exhibited their lack of civility and intolerance to freedom of expression. A couple of them were seen hurling tantrums, shaking their fists and pulling out their hairs in a futile bid to intimidate participants, including myself, from expressing honest views. Despite all that, the conference was concluded without any serious incident and renewed hope for a better future.
At the conclusion of the three-day conference, special plaques were presented to Professor Tesfatsion Medhanie and Dr. Daniel Kindie for their extraordinary effort to promote peace and reconciliation between Eritreans and Ethiopians. Other members of the panel were also awarded certificates of commendations.
---The writer is a visiting scholar at the Center on Democracy, Development and Rule of Law (CDDRL) and fellow at the Hoover Institution, Stanford University, California. He can be reached at abebe@stanford.edu.
Tuesday, March 2, 2010
Forgeries and lies' in Australian adoptions of Ethiopian children
Rory Callinan
From: The Australian
March 03, 2010 12:00AM
A SECRET government investigation uncovered major flaws in Ethiopian adoptions to Australia, with some children falsely represented as being abandoned, not having siblings and being healthy despite having serious illnesses.
Others were found to be years older than what was listed on their official documents while some adoptions were processed using a forged Ethiopian Foreign Office seal, according to an interim report into Australia's and Ethiopia's bilateral intercountry adoption program, which was obtained by The Australian. The program, under which about 450 children have been adopted by Australians over the past 10 years, has been suspended while the federal government negotiates with Ethiopian officials over a push by the African nation for aid to be linked to adoptions. Canberra is concerned the move is "inconsistent with its obligations" under the Hague Convention on Protection of Children and Co-operation in respect of Intercountry Adoption.
The program's representative, Ethiopia-based Ato Lakew Gebeyehu, denied any impropriety in his operations or any knowledge of the report. The investigation was launched after a group of Victorian parents approached the state's Human Services Department to complain in 2005. Investigators reviewed 117 Ethiopian adoption files from 2002 to 2004 and found "issues of concern" in 44 cases.
In 10 cases, wrong information about the history and circumstances of abandoned children was allegedly provided to Ethiopia's Federal Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs.
Previously unknown siblings were uncovered in nine cases and previously unknown relatives found in five cases after the adoptive families travelled to Ethiopia to do their own research.
The report said such discoveries had left some families questioning "the integrity of the program and the process of children being placed for overseas adoption". It said evidence suggested the relinquishing family or community might have misrepresented the family situation to secure care for a child who could not be looked after for reasons such as extreme poverty.
One of the most significant findings was that, in 25 cases, the recorded age of the child was wrong -- more than a year out in 11 cases -- "which had impacted on some children's socialisation and enrolment at school".
In eight cases, the child's health problems were not properly recorded in the allocation documents. And limited information had been recorded about the child's overall development.
The report recommended the program continue but be further investigated to ensure it complied with the Hague Convention.
Mr Gebeyehu said he was aware a family from Victoria had raised concerns after a child was found to be older than thought but he was unaware of any investigation or negative finding about the program.
Mr Gebeyehu said there had been only two or three cases in 20 years where ages were wrong.
"We have no birth certificates," he said.
He said cases where siblings had been found could occur but some were false claims. Mr Gebeyehu confirmed one of his employees had been using a forged seal but said the documents were replaced and the individual responsible was jailed.
From: The Australian
March 03, 2010 12:00AM
A SECRET government investigation uncovered major flaws in Ethiopian adoptions to Australia, with some children falsely represented as being abandoned, not having siblings and being healthy despite having serious illnesses.
Others were found to be years older than what was listed on their official documents while some adoptions were processed using a forged Ethiopian Foreign Office seal, according to an interim report into Australia's and Ethiopia's bilateral intercountry adoption program, which was obtained by The Australian. The program, under which about 450 children have been adopted by Australians over the past 10 years, has been suspended while the federal government negotiates with Ethiopian officials over a push by the African nation for aid to be linked to adoptions. Canberra is concerned the move is "inconsistent with its obligations" under the Hague Convention on Protection of Children and Co-operation in respect of Intercountry Adoption.
The program's representative, Ethiopia-based Ato Lakew Gebeyehu, denied any impropriety in his operations or any knowledge of the report. The investigation was launched after a group of Victorian parents approached the state's Human Services Department to complain in 2005. Investigators reviewed 117 Ethiopian adoption files from 2002 to 2004 and found "issues of concern" in 44 cases.
In 10 cases, wrong information about the history and circumstances of abandoned children was allegedly provided to Ethiopia's Federal Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs.
Previously unknown siblings were uncovered in nine cases and previously unknown relatives found in five cases after the adoptive families travelled to Ethiopia to do their own research.
The report said such discoveries had left some families questioning "the integrity of the program and the process of children being placed for overseas adoption". It said evidence suggested the relinquishing family or community might have misrepresented the family situation to secure care for a child who could not be looked after for reasons such as extreme poverty.
One of the most significant findings was that, in 25 cases, the recorded age of the child was wrong -- more than a year out in 11 cases -- "which had impacted on some children's socialisation and enrolment at school".
In eight cases, the child's health problems were not properly recorded in the allocation documents. And limited information had been recorded about the child's overall development.
The report recommended the program continue but be further investigated to ensure it complied with the Hague Convention.
Mr Gebeyehu said he was aware a family from Victoria had raised concerns after a child was found to be older than thought but he was unaware of any investigation or negative finding about the program.
Mr Gebeyehu said there had been only two or three cases in 20 years where ages were wrong.
"We have no birth certificates," he said.
He said cases where siblings had been found could occur but some were false claims. Mr Gebeyehu confirmed one of his employees had been using a forged seal but said the documents were replaced and the individual responsible was jailed.
Ethiopian Opposition Candidate Stabbed to Death
By JASON McLURE
ADDIS ABABA, Ethiopia — An opposition candidate for Ethiopia’s Parliament was stabbed to death early Tuesday in what opposition leaders said was part of a widening campaign of repression ahead of May elections.
The candidate, Aregawi Gebre-Yohannes, was killed at a restaurant he owned near the town of Shire in Ethiopia’s Tigray region by a group of six men who had shadowed his movements for the previous two days, said Gebru Asrat, a leader of the Arena party, a member of an alliance of opposition parties.
“They cut him, they stabbed him in the stomach, and he died,” Mr. Gebru said. “It’s becoming very difficult to run” in the elections, he added.
Bereket Simon, the government’s communications minister, dismissed political motives for the attack and said the opposition was trying to tarnish the government’s image.
“In a row with a certain individual, the individual killed him,” Mr. Bereket said. “What they are trying to do is search for casualties and label them Arena. They are not into constructive engagement.”
The death follows the beating of a different opposition parliamentary candidate in Tigray on Sunday by members of the Ethiopian Army, requiring his hospitalization, said Negasso Gidada, a former president of Ethiopia who has now joined the opposition. Like the man who was killed, the beating victim, Ayalew Beyene, had previously been arrested for attending opposition meetings or distributing literature during the campaign, he added.
“It is very bad news,” said Mr. Negasso, the former president. “My fear is such incidents may be intensifying.”
Given the last federal elections, the run-up to voting has been tense. Government security forces killed at least 193 demonstrators in unrest after the country’s 2005 federal elections, which the opposition said were rigged. Birtukan Mideksa, widely-seen as the country’s most charismatic opposition figure, remains in jail under a life sentence issued in the aftermath of the disputed poll. Both the ruling party and the opposition have accused each other of seeking to foment violence around this year’s vote.
In local elections in 2008, opposition parties won just 3 of 3.6 million seats — virtually none of the huge number of local and by-election seats being contested — after two of the major groups boycotted, citing intimidation and harassment, according to the State Department’s human rights report on Ethiopia.
Mr. Bereket, the government minister, who is also a senior official in Prime Minister Meles Zenawi’s Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front, said the candidate beaten on Sunday had been pressuring a student who was not aligned with the ruling party to read opposition campaign literature, and that the two had fought as a result.
Ethiopia’s opposition has sharply criticized the Obama administration for what it views as Washington’s failure to speak out on human rights abuses by Mr. Meles’ government, which has been a major American ally in pursuing Islamists in Somalia.
“They are partners in development with the Ethiopian government but I don’t think they are partners in freedom and democracy,” said Andualem Aragie, an official with Birtukan’s Unity for Democracy and Justice party, in a Jan. 29 press conference.
ADDIS ABABA, Ethiopia — An opposition candidate for Ethiopia’s Parliament was stabbed to death early Tuesday in what opposition leaders said was part of a widening campaign of repression ahead of May elections.
The candidate, Aregawi Gebre-Yohannes, was killed at a restaurant he owned near the town of Shire in Ethiopia’s Tigray region by a group of six men who had shadowed his movements for the previous two days, said Gebru Asrat, a leader of the Arena party, a member of an alliance of opposition parties.
“They cut him, they stabbed him in the stomach, and he died,” Mr. Gebru said. “It’s becoming very difficult to run” in the elections, he added.
Bereket Simon, the government’s communications minister, dismissed political motives for the attack and said the opposition was trying to tarnish the government’s image.
“In a row with a certain individual, the individual killed him,” Mr. Bereket said. “What they are trying to do is search for casualties and label them Arena. They are not into constructive engagement.”
The death follows the beating of a different opposition parliamentary candidate in Tigray on Sunday by members of the Ethiopian Army, requiring his hospitalization, said Negasso Gidada, a former president of Ethiopia who has now joined the opposition. Like the man who was killed, the beating victim, Ayalew Beyene, had previously been arrested for attending opposition meetings or distributing literature during the campaign, he added.
“It is very bad news,” said Mr. Negasso, the former president. “My fear is such incidents may be intensifying.”
Given the last federal elections, the run-up to voting has been tense. Government security forces killed at least 193 demonstrators in unrest after the country’s 2005 federal elections, which the opposition said were rigged. Birtukan Mideksa, widely-seen as the country’s most charismatic opposition figure, remains in jail under a life sentence issued in the aftermath of the disputed poll. Both the ruling party and the opposition have accused each other of seeking to foment violence around this year’s vote.
In local elections in 2008, opposition parties won just 3 of 3.6 million seats — virtually none of the huge number of local and by-election seats being contested — after two of the major groups boycotted, citing intimidation and harassment, according to the State Department’s human rights report on Ethiopia.
Mr. Bereket, the government minister, who is also a senior official in Prime Minister Meles Zenawi’s Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front, said the candidate beaten on Sunday had been pressuring a student who was not aligned with the ruling party to read opposition campaign literature, and that the two had fought as a result.
Ethiopia’s opposition has sharply criticized the Obama administration for what it views as Washington’s failure to speak out on human rights abuses by Mr. Meles’ government, which has been a major American ally in pursuing Islamists in Somalia.
“They are partners in development with the Ethiopian government but I don’t think they are partners in freedom and democracy,” said Andualem Aragie, an official with Birtukan’s Unity for Democracy and Justice party, in a Jan. 29 press conference.
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