Monday, December 29, 2008

Ethiopian Police Re-Arrest Opposition Leader Birtukan Mideksa




By Jason McLure
http://www.bloomberg.com/
Dec. 29 (Bloomberg) -- Ethiopian federal police re-arrested opposition leader Birtukan Mideksa a year after she was released on a pardon following her arrest during the country’s disputed 2005 elections.
Mideksa, a leader of the now-dissolved Coalition for Unity and Democracy, was taken into custody today, said Temesgen Zewde, a lawmaker, who is a member of Mideksa’s new party, Unity for Democracy and Justice.
“She has been arrested,” Zewde said in an interview in the capital, Addis Ababa. “No charges have been made public yet. We don’t know exactly where she is being held.”
Mideksa was arrested after refusing to acknowledge that she had requested a pardon that led to her release from jail in July 2007, said Bereket Simon, a spokesman for Prime Minister Meles Zenawi. She and dozens of other opposition leaders were initially jailed following the 2005 elections and sentenced to life in prison following a May 2007 trial on treason charges.
Security forces killed at least 193 protesters in Addis Ababa in the aftermath of the 2005 elections. Mideksa was jailed along with 126 other opposition leaders, journalists, and activists after disputing government claims of victory in the ballot.
Her release along with 37 others in July of 2007 came after the opposition leaders signed a letter admitting “mistakes committed both individually and collectively,” according to an Amnesty International report.
Life Sentence
Simon suggested Mideksa could again face life in prison.
“She said she didn’t ask for a pardon and the government tried to advise her that she has been freed from jail because of the requested pardon,” Simon said, in a phone interview from Addis Ababa. “She didn’t budge. Technically and legally the verdict has to be implemented.”
Mideksa and other leaders were released in two pardons authorized by Zenawi in July and August of 2007 after mediation by Ethiopian elders. Some opposition leaders, including former Addis Ababa mayor-elect Berhanu Nega, have chosen exile in the U.S. and Europe. Mideksa stayed on in Ethiopia and had planned to contest the 2010 national elections with her new party.
A lawyer and former judge, Mideksa has drawn support from Oromos and Amharas, Ethiopia’s two largest ethnic groups. Zenawi’s government, which has ruled Ethiopia since 1991, is dominated my members of the Tigray ethnic group.
Fifteen members of another opposition party, the Oromo Federalist Democratic Movement, were arrested in late October and early November and accused of supporting the separatist Oromo Liberation Front. The move comes as Ethiopia’s parliament is set to approve a new law that would effectively outlaw most non-governmental groups from promoting human rights, democracy, or conflict resolution.
To contact the reporter on this story: Jason McLure in Addis Ababa via the Johannesburg bureau at abolleurs@bloomberg.net.

Thursday, December 11, 2008

Desperate Eritrea becomes Iran’s Ally on the Ongoing Israel- Iran Confrontation

Source: Ethiomedia
Iran deploys soldiers, ships and submarines at Assab Port
Israel warns Iran against Assab deployment
Prospects of wider war run high: analysts
WASHINGTON, DC - Twenty-five Eritrean naval soldiers and officers have fled to Yemen aboard two speed boats, an Eritrean opposition website reported on Tuesday.
"Among those who have sought shelter in Yemen are three captains," asena-online.com said. The source didn't give details when the naval crew surrendered to Yemeni officials, nor was the news report verified by independent sources.
Abdella Jaber, a senior official with the ruling party of President Isaias Afwerki, was negotiating with Yemeni government officials for the deportation of the soldiers, the source said.
Earlier last week, Asena reported that Iran was deploying troops at the Red Sea Port of Assab in exchange for renovating the Assab Oil Refinery.
Iran's troop deployment at Assab Port was confirmed on Tuesday by InfoLive.Tv, which reported that " Iranian ships and submarines were deployed ...at the Eritrean port town of Assab at the Horn of Africa in the Arabian Sea just below the Strait of Hormuz."
The Israeli-owned news source said: "It appears that Iran is using the pretext of an accord it signed with Eritrea to revamp a Russian built refinery there to station its troops and maintain a strong military presence with full command of the Straits of Hormuz. At the same time as the world's second largest importer of gasoline, its deal with Eritrea guarantees it a constant supply free from international intervention. The President of Eritrea has already granted Teheran complete and exclusive control of the Eritrean Oil Refinery."
With the prospect of an Iran-Israel confrontation running high, Ethiomedia analysts say there is a huge possibility that the region may turn into a war theater. "Ethiopia's U-turn from troop pullout to redeployment of troops in Mogadishu and other parts of Somalia is undoubtedly part of the equation of an impending war unless major powers intervene to disrupt the breakout of war," one observer said.

Monday, November 24, 2008

Building Bridges of Solidarity to a New Ethiopia

By Obang Metho, 22 November 2008 —

Can Ethiopians come together in solidarity to build a bridge to a new Ethiopia or are we doomed to suffering, division and eternal failure? It all depends on how we build it was the consensus of the meeting held on November 16, 2008 at the University of Minnesota called by the Solidarity Movement for a New Ethiopia and sponsored by some local Ethiopian organizations.
To get to the meeting, many had to drive across the newly constructed I-35 Bridge linking St. Paul with Minneapolis. This is the same bridge that collapsed in August of 2007, killing and injuring many Minnesotans traveling across the main bridge connecting the Twin Cities. The reports explaining the reasons for the collapse were just released this past week citing fundamental design problems in the structure that doomed it to failure from the beginning.
Now the new bridge is up, sooner than anyone expected, and engineers designing the new bridge made sure that those same flaws were not repeated. This seems like an obvious assumption, but if you apply the same thinking to the legacy of repressive governments in Ethiopia and Africa, one might come to the conclusion that we need new engineers.
Those engineers of a “new Ethiopia” came together for an “Ethiopian Dialogue”
Those engineers of a “new Ethiopia” came together for an “Ethiopian Dialogue” between diverse Ethiopians in Minnesota, with the purpose of helping to design a new model for Ethiopia that would be based on the principles of “humanity before ethnicity” and that “no one will be free until we all are free.” These are the principles espoused by the Solidarity Movement that we believe are foundational to building the kind of bridge that can hold up all of the diverse people of Ethiopia as they cross to a new Ethiopia.
There at the meeting, I could see the beginnings of that beautiful “garden of Ethiopia” of which I dream as Ethiopians from many various ethnic groups, regions, religions, political groups and of varied thinking—like separatists and unionists– came together as individuals to see if they could form a shared vision for a better future. At first, people were guarded and suspicious of each other, but by the end of the meeting, people were shaking hands, introducing themselves, hugging each other and sharing ideas.
Controversial topics were not avoided and disagreements were straightforwardly discussed; yet, the respect and civility of those present towards each other’s views was the greatest success of the meeting! In fact, we discovered much in common. It was a great indication that Ethiopians can successfully come together to genuinely address the very real problems of Ethiopia. We will never build a better bridge unless we understand what went wrong and how to fix it.
Some of those attending volunteered to form a working team to continue building solidarity in Minnesota. It was emphasized that the Solidarity Movement for a New Ethiopia was not a political group intending to run for political office, but a grassroots movement of the Ethiopian people to promote human rights, justice, freedom and good government for all people.
As one representative from the Ogaden stated, “Free-minded people must come together to create a free Ethiopia.” What this means in concrete terms is that to join the Solidarity Movement does not mean you must leave your differences or political views behind. For example, Ethiopians can remain supporters of Andinet, Ginbot7, OLF, SLF, ONLF, EPRP, Kinijit, ENUF, UEDF or none of the above because our goal is to create an atmosphere conducive to political organizations to run for office, God-willing, by the next election.
The meeting was opened up by Mr. Robsan Itana, the head of the Oromo American Citizen Council, who endorsed the concept of the Solidarity Movement as a means to join together over common issues and went on to name examples of the oppression directed against various groups of Ethiopians that could all be addressed more powerfully by one organization that could advocate on behalf of all.
The Solidarity Movement for a New Ethiopia (SMNE) is a newly formed grassroots movement whose mission is to mobilize Ethiopians in the Diaspora and within Ethiopia to unite in a coalition across ethnic, regional, political, cultural, and religious lines around principles of truth, justice, freedom, the protection of human rights, equality and civility in order to bring about a more open, free and reconciled society in Ethiopia where humanity comes before ethnicity and where the same rights, opportunities and privileges are available to all because no one will be free until all are free.
The second speaker, Miss Hodan, was from the Ogadeni community and spoke of her support for a grassroots movement for human rights and democracy which she described as flourishing when citizens are involved, where there is tolerance towards others and where there everyone is held accountable. She explained how Ogadenis had been free until colonial powers equipped Abyssinia who then committed crimes against the people of the Ogaden while the international community failed to take note.
The third speaker, Mr. Berhane Worku, explained that he was speaking as an individual and went on to tell his own personal story. He began by saying that Ethiopia’s problems could not be solved by any one group and told about his own ethnic background as being an example of the mixed backgrounds of many Ethiopians that blurs distinctions and confuses identity.
He said he was 3/8th’s Gurage, 2/8th’s Sidamo, 2/8th’s Oromo and 1/8th Amhara. He said that Ethiopians must fight together for a democratic culture rather than one based on blood and gore. While admitting he did not know the solutions, he affirmed the need to start with a dialogue and to join together across ethnic, political and religious lines in condemning the gross human rights crimes going on in the Ogaden right now.What broke the bridge between Ethiopians in the first place and what we can do to bring about the “New Ethiopia”
I will also summarize my own comments that were focused on what broke the bridge between Ethiopians in the first place and what we can do to bring about the “New Ethiopia” that would include all Ethiopians.
First of all, I am not proposing a “united” Ethiopia for the mere purpose of uniting Ethiopians because that could mean uniting around Mengistu, uniting around Meles or uniting around some other yet to be named oppressive dictator. The kind of unity that calls one group “more Ethiopian” than another group is not the kind of unity that I would want. I would actively oppose it because it is based on principles that have kept Ethiopians oppressed, divided and dehumanized.
A united Ethiopia that calls people who look like me a “Baria” is not the kind of Ethiopia I want. An Ethiopia that marginalizes or oppresses you simply because you are considered 99.9% Ethiopian is not the kind of Ethiopia I want. I want to unite to create an Ethiopian where each of us is 100% Ethiopian! To do so, we must discard the flawed systems of the present and past.
A bridge to a new Ethiopia will not be built in the same way anymore than the I-35 bridge will be reconstructed with the same mistakes and flaws or we would simply be re-creating a system that is doomed from the start. None of the leaders of the past put “humanity before ethnicity,” even though they each promised a new “society,” for one simple reason—when you keep using the same old toxic chemicals, no wonder they produce the same toxic society that is poisoning us.
A true leader never puts ethnicity first, but always puts humanity first. Jesus never put his ethnicity first. He died for all humanity. Mohammed did not put ethnicity first and is the reason there are Muslims from many ethnicities.
Right now, there are reasons why some run away from the “old” Ethiopia for it has been an Ethiopia that has had no room for them. The “New Ethiopia” will only be accomplished if both separatists, unionists, and everyone else - including Tigrayans - are all involved at the grassroots in creating a nation where the people have a choice, where members respect and value each other regardless of skin color, education, culture, religion, political view or gender and where there is room at the table of Ethiopia for all Ethiopians.
As Hodan said, we must also look to our neighbors surrounding Ethiopia because all of us in the Horn of Africa need each other. In America, people worked to make it a place where differences were accepted, but also blended together to create something much stronger. It is a place now where people from all over the world run to—not away! As Berhane said, what we need are leaders who are humble and willing to work across ethnic, political and religious divides, not seeking to dominate like different groups have done in the past—something that even creates painful internal pressure on individual families, like his own, due to the diversity within one’s own heritage.
The mixed blood of Ethiopians is all one blood—the blood of humankind
Yet, the mixed blood of Ethiopians is all one blood—the blood of humankind. This is what went wrong with the old bridge—we could not see that the mixed up blood of Ethiopians was really all one blood—the blood of humankind. This is what will build the structural strength of a new bridge to a “New Ethiopia.” Our hut is burning and we are all in it and in jeopardy of dying. We must join together in not just saving our hut, but in breaking down the invisible fences that divide us!
When I ended the talk, I was impressed with the questions and discussion that followed. One of the first questions was how to accomplish the task, particularly now that a new administration will be coming into office. There was agreement that it must start by identifying a team that would go to Obama that would represent all of the varied cases and proposing a better alternative to what we now have that includes all Ethiopians.
In the past, one government official told me that five different Ethiopian groups had sought a meeting within the same week. This merely overwhelms such officials who are confused by what sometimes are contradictory and factional requests. Such a team was identified at the meeting as a high priority of the Solidarity Movement because if Ethiopians could come together with one common goal and voice, it will be something much easier for President-elect Obama to support and thereby, for Ethiopians to define their own destiny.
Others brought up the need for reconciliation in order to “break down the suspicion and animosity between us.” One man from a Tigrayan background decried the alienation between Tigray and other Ethiopians even though the same government was killing and detaining his brothers back in Ethiopia.
I personally was very glad that this question was presented and proud that this man had the courage of saying, “I am a Tigrayan and not part of this government,” because Tigrayans such as this are screaming in silence with no support, or worse, feeling animosity from their fellow Ethiopians.
We must join together to support a different kind of society. This is the beginning of reconciliation, one of the key components of this Solidarity Movement. It can start at the grassroots level at meetings such as this so that we can gain understanding and build relationships with real people with real stories.
As Ethiopians, we have a huge wound that needs healing where pain can and has been inflicted against each other. All Tigrayans cannot be put into one box and identified as Woyanne. In fact, “Woyanne-ism” can be attached to some people from every region and group within Ethiopia.
We have Woyane Anuak, Woyane Oromo, Woyane Ogadeni and you name it. In fact, as Berhane said, we must stand up and condemn the gross human rights crimes in the Ogaden, but it is a Woyane Ogadeni who is governor of the region. This is not about ethnicity, it is a struggle between those who choose to commit evi—who should be held accountable– and those who stand up against evil.
On December 13, 2003, when the Anuak were being massacred, there were Tigrayan heroes and heroines of righteousness that protected the Anuak. These were the true brothers and sisters of the Anuak who were more protective of them than were Woyane Anuak.
“Our bridge to a “New Ethiopia”
In a “New Ethiopia,” there must be a separation of those who commit crimes from those who do not. It must be a system based on authentic justice against perpetrators, not against ethnicity or we will be the new “genocidalists” and the next “oppressors.” Our bridge will not lead to freedom but instead be a trap set to kill and capture new victims. I will never be part of such an Ethiopia. Any who choose this path will soon discover that those who perpetrate against the innocent will never be free, just like Meles is the most unfree of all people.
In the same light, an Anuak man expressed his concern regarding coming together if it simply meant another “experiment” that would result in the same kind of failure as in the last regimes.
These are real concerns that must be fully examined because groups like the Anuak and the Oromo initially supported the changes promised by the Meles regime, only to later be betrayed, repressed and targeted by them. Questions such as these create heightened responsibility and accountability of all involved to plan safeguards within the Solidarity Movement to better guarantee a check and balance system, especially for minority groups who most often have little voice.
At first, some people did not want the name of Ethiopia linked to this movement, but later understood that we cannot blame the name of Ethiopia nor the flag as they never killed or oppressed any people—it was the leaders who did so.
The issue that was most important was that people who lived within the geographical map of Ethiopia were suffering, had been killed, denied a voice, oppressed and were “unfree.” It was agreed that the goal of the movement was to bring justice, opportunity, and freedom for all so that the people could live together in harmony and that the name Ethiopia was secondary.
Our moral attitudes and actions must overflow to our neighbors as well in order to bring greater peace to the Horn,
Some from separatist groups endorsed the idea of coming together around the protection of human rights, but were not sure they would want to be part of an Ethiopia where they had never had any choice, datingback to when colonialists decided for them to include them as part of Ethiopia.
As we know, this is a government that has viewed its people as enemies. For example, Oromo can be targeted for only being Oromo as the government operates on the belief that if you scratch the skin of any Oromo man, you will see OLF.
One Ogadeni woman emotionally testified to the horrible atrocities going on in the Ogaden, citing examples of 80 and 90 year old women being raped by troops, of the burning down of crops and poisoning of water wells while the world watches. This is the same battalion that committed such crimes in Gambella and elsewhere in the country.
Another Ogadeni woman responded by saying that we need to come together around human rights, even if we eventually separate because we will be neighbors for freedom means not being afraid of others, particularly of those close by.
An Anuak man concluded by saying that he was Ethiopian geographically and that his people were oppressed. Because of this, he said just using the name of Ethiopia was not an important issue to him. He said that he is going to be part of uniting with other Ethiopians to solve this problem and then later on, when the fight for freedom is accomplished, people can decide on whether or not they still want independence from Ethiopia.
A number of others agreed with him that until the society was freed, they should work together to create a society where there would be self-determination. In such a society, they could actually then choose for themselves, even if it meant separating later or adopting a model like Canada has with Quebec.
Most everyone seemed to agree that freedom would never come to Ethiopia unless we all joined together in this struggle. Success will be measured by whether Ethiopians and Ethiopian leaders can put humanity before ethnicity and uphold the freedom of all people.
These attitudes and actions must overflow to our neighbors as well in order to bring greater peace to the Horn, but it all starts by uniting around these principles. Our bridge to a “New Ethiopia” will not be possible if we do not revamp the design from the flawed and doomed models of the past; otherwise, we will repeat our mistakes and the people will suffer.What took place in this room was proof that it can also be done in Ethiopia
After the meeting, some told me that they or others had been worried about mixing people with different viewpoints and with a history of alienation towards each other, especially if the discussion became very heated and people started walking out—like mixing oil and water together—but that did not happen.
People were able to talk civilly about subjects that had been taboo before and arrive at some consensus. One Tigrayan man referred to a leader from the Oromo community saying that had they met in public, he would not have greeted him, but now they will be working together.
What took place in this room was proof that it can also be done in Ethiopia. The healing process was started. The man who spoke of his multi-ethnic heritage called for a team to carry on the work to make sure that it did not stop after the meeting ended. People committed themselves and as it turned out, they represented diverse groups.
The feedback I am receiving is that what was feared, turned out to be a beautiful thing, but now, the concepts must be repeated so that other Ethiopians in other cities can witness for themselves how Ethiopians can come together. The volunteer committee is now planning to reach out in their respective communities so as to build on what has begun.
In closing, I shared some personal experiences and convictions. The one I will end with here is the confidence I have that despite the enormous challenges that lie ahead, I am convinced that nothing is impossible if we fear God, if we show love and respect to each other and if we work together in solidarity for a new and more humane Ethiopia. Please pass this on and challenge others to join in this movement to free and transform Ethiopia.
May God guide, enable and empower us, giving us soft hearts towards each other and strong hearts for truth and justice as we carry out this task that is beyond our ability and resources to accomplish without God’s divine help.
For more information please contact: Obang Metho, Executive Member of the Solidarity Movement for a New Ethiopia E-mail: Obang@anuakjustice.org

Thursday, November 6, 2008

PRESIDENT-ELECT BARACK OBAMA'S ACCEPTANCE SPEECH

Nov. 4, 2008, at Grant Park in Chicago, IL.

If there is anyone out there who still doubts that America is a place where all things are possible; who still wonders if the dream of our founders is alive in our time; who still questions the power of our democracy, tonight is your answer.

It's the answer told by lines that stretched around schools and churches in numbers this nation has never seen; by people who waited three hours and four hours, many for the very first time in their lives, because they believed that this time must be different; that their voice could be that difference.

It's the answer spoken by young and old, rich and poor, Democrat and Republican, black, white, Latino, Asian, Native American, gay, straight, disabled and not disabled  Americans who sent a message to the world that we have never been a collection of Red States and Blue States: we are, and always will be, the United States of America.

It's the answer that led those who have been told for so long by so many to be cynical, and fearful, and doubtful of what we can achieve to put their hands on the arc of history and bend it once more toward the hope of a better day.

It's been a long time coming, but tonight, because of what we did on this day, in this election, at this defining moment, change has come to America.

I just received a very gracious call from Senator McCain. He fought long and hard in this campaign, and he's fought even longer and harder for the country he loves. He has endured sacrifices for America that most of us cannot begin to imagine, and we are better off for the service rendered by this brave and selfless leader. I congratulate him and Governor Palin for all they have achieved, and I look forward to working with them to renew this nation's promise in the months ahead.

I want to thank my partner in this journey, a man who campaigned from his heart and spoke for the men and women he grew up with on the streets of Scranton and rode with on that train home to Delaware, the Vice President-elect of the United States, Joe Biden.

I would not be standing here tonight without the unyielding support of my best friend for the last sixteen years, the rock of our family and the love of my life, our nation's next First Lady, Michelle Obama. Sasha and Malia, I love you both so much, and you have earned the new puppy that's coming with us to the White House. And while she's no longer with us, I know my grandmother is watching, along with the family that made me who I am. I miss them tonight, and know that my debt to them is beyond measure.

To my campaign manager David Plouffe, my chief strategist David Axelrod, and the best campaign team ever assembled in the history of politics  you made this happen, and I am forever grateful for what you've sacrificed to get it done.

But above all, I will never forget who this victory truly belongs to  it belongs to you.

I was never the likeliest candidate for this office. We didn't start with much money or many endorsements. Our campaign was not hatched in the halls of Washington  it began in the backyards of Des Moines and the living rooms of Concord and the front porches of Charleston.

It was built by working men and women who dug into what little savings they had to give five dollars and ten dollars and twenty dollars to this cause. It grew strength from the young people who rejected the myth of their generation's apathy; who left their homes and their families for jobs that offered little pay and less sleep; from the not-so-young people who braved the bitter cold and scorching heat to knock on the doors of perfect strangers; from the millions of Americans who volunteered, and organized, and proved that more than two centuries later, a government of the people, by the people and for the people has not perished from this Earth. This is your victory.

I know you didn't do this just to win an election and I know you didn't do it for me. You did it because you understand the enormity of the task that lies ahead. For even as we celebrate tonight, we know the challenges that tomorrow will bring are the greatest of our lifetime  two wars, a planet in peril, the worst financial crisis in a century. Even as we stand here tonight, we know there are brave Americans waking up in the deserts of Iraq and the mountains of Afghanistan to risk their lives for us. There are mothers and fathers who will lie awake after their children fall asleep and wonder how they'll make the mortgage, or pay their doctor's bills, or save enough for college. There is new energy to harness and new jobs to be created; new schools to build and threats to meet and alliances to repair.

The road ahead will be long. Our climb will be steep. We may not get there in one year or even one term, but America  I have never been more hopeful than I am tonight that we will get there. I promise you  we as a people will get there.

There will be setbacks and false starts. There are many who won't agree with every decision or policy I make as President, and we know that government can't solve every problem. But I will always be honest with you about the challenges we face. I will listen to you, especially when we disagree. And above all, I will ask you join in the work of remaking this nation the only way it's been done in America for two-hundred and twenty-one years  block by block, brick by brick, calloused hand by calloused hand.

What began twenty-one months ago in the depths of winter must not end on this autumn night. This victory alone is not the change we seek  it is only the chance for us to make that change. And that cannot happen if we go back to the way things were. It cannot happen without you.

So let us summon a new spirit of patriotism; of service and responsibility where each of us resolves to pitch in and work harder and look after not only ourselves, but each other. Let us remember that if this financial crisis taught us anything, it's that we cannot have a thriving Wall Street while Main Street suffers  in this country, we rise or fall as one nation; as one people.

Let us resist the temptation to fall back on the same partisanship and pettiness and immaturity that has poisoned our politics for so long. Let us remember that it was a man from this state who first carried the banner of the Republican Party to the White House  a party founded on the values of self-reliance, individual liberty, and national unity. Those are values we all share, and while the Democratic Party has won a great victory tonight, we do so with a measure of humility and determination to heal the divides that have held back our progress. As Lincoln said to a nation far more divided than ours, "We are not enemies, but friends&though passion may have strained it must not break our bonds of affection." And to those Americans whose support I have yet to earn  I may not have won your vote, but I hear your voices, I need your help, and I will be your President too.

And to all those watching tonight from beyond our shores, from parliaments and palaces to those who are huddled around radios in the forgotten corners of our world  our stories are singular, but our destiny is shared, and a new dawn of American leadership is at hand. To those who would tear this world down  we will defeat you. To those who seek peace and security  we support you. And to all those who have wondered if America's beacon still burns as bright  tonight we proved once more that the true strength of our nation comes not from our the might of our arms or the scale of our wealth, but from the enduring power of our ideals: democracy, liberty, opportunity, and unyielding hope.

For that is the true genius of America  that America can change. Our union can be perfected. And what we have already achieved gives us hope for what we can and must achieve tomorrow.

This election had many firsts and many stories that will be told for generations. But one that's on my mind tonight is about a woman who cast her ballot in Atlanta. She's a lot like the millions of others who stood in line to make their voice heard in this election except for one thing  Ann Nixon Cooper is 106 years old.

She was born just a generation past slavery; a time when there were no cars on the road or planes in the sky; when someone like her couldn't vote for two reasons  because she was a woman and because of the color of her skin.

And tonight, I think about all that she's seen throughout her century in America  the heartache and the hope; the struggle and the progress; the times we were told that we can't, and the people who pressed on with that American creed: Yes we can.

At a time when women's voices were silenced and their hopes dismissed, she lived to see them stand up and speak out and reach for the ballot. Yes we can.

When there was despair in the dust bowl and depression across the land, she saw a nation conquer fear itself with a New Deal, new jobs and a new sense of common purpose. Yes we can.

When the bombs fell on our harbor and tyranny threatened the world, she was there to witness a generation rise to greatness and a democracy was saved. Yes we can.

She was there for the buses in Montgomery, the hoses in Birmingham, a bridge in Selma, and a preacher from Atlanta who told a people that "We Shall Overcome." Yes we can.

A man touched down on the moon, a wall came down in Berlin, a world was connected by our own science and imagination. And this year, in this election, she touched her finger to a screen, and cast her vote, because after 106 years in America, through the best of times and the darkest of hours, she knows how America can change. Yes we can.

America, we have come so far. We have seen so much. But there is so much more to do. So tonight, let us ask ourselves  if our children should live to see the next century; if my daughters should be so lucky to live as long as Ann Nixon Cooper, what change will they see? What progress will we have made?

This is our chance to answer that call. This is our moment. This is our time  to put our people back to work and open doors of opportunity for our kids; to restore prosperity and promote the cause of peace; to reclaim the American Dream and reaffirm that fundamental truth  that out of many, we are one; that while we breathe, we hope, and where we are met with cynicism, and doubt, and those who tell us that we can't, we will respond with that timeless creed that sums up the spirit of a people:

Yes We Can. Thank you, God bless you, and may God Bless the United States of America.

Tuesday, September 16, 2008

Happy Ethiopian New Year!

Message from UDJP: please click the link herein below




Unity for Democracy and Justice (Andenet) Party


Thursday, September 11, 2008

Feingold introduces Ethiopia act in Senate

Press Release September 11, 2008
The Coalition for HR 2003 has learned that Senator Russ Feingold (D-WI), Chairman of the Subcommittee on African Affairs, introduced a bill entitled “Support for Democracy and Human Rights in Ethiopia Act of 2008”. We are grateful to Senator Feingold and his staff for introducing this legislation in the Senate.
On October 2, 2007, H.R. 2003, “Ethiopia Democracy and Accountability Act of 2007” passed the U.S. House of Representatives unanimously. On October 3, 2007, the Senate received the bill and referred it to the Committee on Foreign Relations.
The Feingold bill is substantially similar in legislative intent and appraisal of the poor human rights conditions in Ethiopia. The “findings” in the bill document a slew of human rights violations committed by the “Government of Ethiopia” in the aftermath of the 2005 elections, including the injury of “763 civilians,” the murder of 193 persons and detention of “thousands more opposition party leaders and their followers, “widespread violations of human rights and international law by the Ethiopian military in Mogadishu and other areas of Somalia, as well as in the Ogaden region of Ethiopia.”
The bill describes the use of “unjustifiably brutal tactics [by the government of Ethiopia] against its own citizens in Oromiya, Amhara and Gambella regions.” The bill finds the recent civil society law has the effect of “creat[ing] a complex web of onerous bureaucratic hurdles, draconian criminal penalties and intrusive powers of surveillance that would further decrease the political space available for civil society institutions.”
Section 5 of the bill requires the President to take “additional steps to support the implementation of democracy and governance institutions and organizations in Ethiopia,” including support for civil society organizations, fundamental freedoms, bolstering the independence of the judiciary and full international access to the Ogaden, among other things. The bill provides $20,000,000 for fiscal year 2009 to carry out its purposes.
In contrast to the Feingold bill, H.R. 2003 imposes stricter limitations on security assistance and travel restrictions on any official of the Government of Ethiopia involved in human rights violations. It also requires certification by the president that “quantifiable” efforts are being made in the human rights area, including release of political prisoners, independent operation of the judiciary, free operation of the print and broadcast media and restructuring of the national elections board to reflect the political diversity ion the country. H.R. 2003 also provides support for economic development.
The Coalition for H.R. 20003 will provide further analysis of the Feingold bill and possibilities for reconciling the House and Senate version in the coming day. For now, we ask all supporters of human rights in Ethiopia to express their gratitude and appreciation to Senator Feingold.

Friday, September 5, 2008

Ethiopia celebrates restoration of giant obelisk


by Aaron MaashoThu Sep 4, 12:01 PM ET

Ethiopia on Thursday unveiled its famed Axum Obelisk after more than three years of work to re-erect the 150-ton stela plundered by fascist Italy 70 years ago and returned only in 2005.
Prime Minister Meles Zenawi and Italian undersecretary of state for foreign affairs Alfredo Mantica unveiled the 1,700-year-old treasure draped in Ethiopian and Italian flags.
Thousands of people who gathered at the original site of the stela in Axum, some 575 kilometres (357 miles) north of Addis Ababa, cheered as the two drew down the flags from the massive monument.
Children wearing traditional Ethiopian dress as well as gladiator costumes lined up on opposite sides to greet the top officials.
"Not only are we witnessing the return of a cultural monument, but also a historic turning point in relations between Ethiopia and Italy," Mantica said after he and Meles placed a replica of the obelisk at the foot of the giant artefact.
"This event reminds us of the glorious past on one hand and a new era of renaissance on the other," Meles said.
Ethiopian President Girma Woldegiorgis said "the return of the obelisk heals the wounds suffered during the past."
Italian soldiers carted away the 24-meter (78-foot) third-century AD granite funeral stela in 1937 on the orders of then-dictator Benito Mussolini during his attempt to colonise Ethiopia.
"My joy is beyond limit," said Asfaw Abebe, an 85-year-old war veteran who joined the struggle against the Italian occupation at the age of 14.
"It recalls the sacrifice we made back then," said Asfaw, explaining that his father was beheaded by Italian troops and his head displayed in public to intimidate locals.
"I am very happy and proud. It's very important for us that it came back," said Weyni Tesfai, a student. "It's also a symbol of coming together of both countries."
Despite a 1947 agreement that called for its return, the obelisk had remained in Italy standing outside the Rome headquarters of the UN Food and Agriculture Organization, much to the anger of Ethiopia.
ts return was finally agreed upon in talks in Italy in November 2004 between Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi and Italian Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi, but its arrival was then announced and delayed several times.
The last of the three pieces arrived in Axum in April 2005 to great rejoicing among Ethiopians, who regard the obelisk as a national treasure.
Axum, which was added to the UN's World Heritage List in 1980, was the capital of the Axumite kingdom that flourished as a major trading center from the fifth century BC to the 10th century AD.
At its height, the kingdom, ruled by monarchs who traced their lineage back to the biblical David, Solomon and the Queen of Sheba, extended across areas of what are today Ethiopia, Eritrea, Somalia, Sudan and Yemen.
UNESCO I


Wednesday, August 20, 2008

Aigaforum: “Blackmailed Nation….” Say What?

Rereading "Ethiopia's new famine: A ticking timebomb", By Rick Hampson, USA Today (August 18, 2008)

What is Aigaforum talking about? Last time, he was depicting the tale of two lines in Addis and Asmara, for Sim card and bread, respectively. I personally thought that could have been some kind of joke, Aiga style satire. I thought unless he lost his mind, he wouldn’t dare to say “there has not been a line for 14 million starving people in Ethiopia”, so what else would it be except “satire”?

Of course, regardless of Shabia cadres’ in the west and other African countries out right lies about Eritrea being prospered, developed and industrialized, in surprising and bold move and contradiction of her shameless cadres, the cabinet member of EPLF told the international community that two-third (about 66.67%) of our Eritrean sisters and brothers are in dire need of food. Currently, each family is receiving 12 kilo grams food aid per month, an amount of food a big family in the west would probably consume in a single dining. Guess what? They are blaming Woyanne (Please listen http://uk.truveo.com/Death-of-the-Dream-Eritrea/id/3136812429).

Ethiopia’s case is not different, but the TPLF gang, including Aigaforum, wants us to think that “things happening to the people in Eritrea are worse than what is happening in Ethiopia.” In line with this meaningless propaganda, Aigaforum has accused USA Today, TIME, and NPR for “Blackmailing the nation [Ethiopia]”. It is shameful. Telling the truth is in no way blackmailing. USA Today has told us what is exactly happening in Ethiopia. In case if aigaforum was in haste for his blurry and unbalanced conclusion as usual or had a plane to catch to China for the Olympic and/or visit family (his communist comrades), I beg aigaforum to reread USA Today ball points as stated herein below.


  1. Ethiopia , perennially one of the world's hungriest nations, once again has faced severe famine as result of the drought which killed the entire spring crop, global inflation that has doubled the price of food, armed rebellion in the Somali region that has disrupted food delivery, and assorted plagues, from insects to hailstones.

  2. At least 14 million Ethiopians, about 18% of the nation, need food aid or cash assistance, according to government figures and aid agency estimates.

  3. The hunger has spread across two-thirds of Ethiopia, from the slums of Addis Ababa to the parched countryside around Konso to the "green hunger" region where the rains came only after the spring growing season.

  4. Urban Ethiopians traditionally were untouched by the hunger that droughts brought to the nation's subsistence farmers. Now all Ethiopians face annual food-price inflation of more than 75%; only Zimbabwe’s problem is worse, according to World Bank economist William Wiseman.

  5. Even some middle-class residents of Addis Ababa are being forced to put off weddings, carry lunches to work and eat two meals daily instead of three.

  6. The nation's emergency grain reserve is tapped out, and last month the food ration was reduced by one-third. The government says 75,000 children are severely malnourished. Some people are eating cactus, roots and other famine foods.

  7. Ethiopia is addicted to an ever-growing dependence on food aid from countries who now must deal with increasing food problems of their own.

  8. Awkwardly, Ethiopian leaders including but not limited to Zenawi and the country's health minister, who told reporters that “[Ethiopia] does not need to beat the drum of hunger … every year”, are in denial of the famine, so is the Woyanne foot-soldier aigaforum.

  9. Ethiopia can ill afford to play down its food needs; other nations' own economic worries have left them less willing or able to feed the likes of Ethiopia.

USA today also said:

Unlike 1985, when images of a famine that killed 1 million Ethiopians shocked
the West, this year, there probably will be no mass starvation. An expensive,
elaborate social welfare apparatus, erected largely by the world's rich nations
to avert another 1985, will not permit it. However, since 1985 the population
has doubled to almost 80 million, and per-capita farm production has declined.
Meanwhile, the global cost of raising and moving food keeps rising.
Unfortunately, this year there's been push back from food donor nations, a
fatigue expressing: “'Here's Ethiopia again, looking for food again."

Who is to blame?

  1. Beneath the system designed to stave off famine, Ethiopian agriculture is weaker than ever. Per-capita farm production has fallen by more than one-third since the famine of 1984-85, largely because the population has doubled — up to an average of 5.4 children per family — and the average farm plot has gotten smaller and drier.

  2. The "green revolution" that transformed agriculture in Asia and Latin America after World War II largely bypassed [Ethiopia].

  3. Most Ethiopians farm as their ancestors did — with oxen, wooden plows and rainfall. Farmers agree the latter has become increasingly unreliable.

  4. Ethiopia also suffers from a centralized agricultural policy [of Zenawi] that does not encourage small private enterprise or even allow small farmers to own their land.

Result?

  • Hunger remains a touchy issue in Ethiopia. The famine of 1973-74 brought down Emperor Haile Selassie, and the one of 1984-85 marked the beginning of the end for the regime that ousted him. Now, this famine of 14 million people along with the sprit of election 2005 marks the beginning of the end of the Zenawi regime. Amen! Hallelujah!

  • The nation's reliance on others for food undercuts its sense of itself as the only African nation not colonized in the 19th century, and the only one to conclusively defeat a European power: the Italians at the Battle of Adwa in 1896.

  • Being synonymous with famine "hurts the image of the country."

Solution?

  • Ethiopia needs agricultural development: hybrid seeds, irrigation systems, market roads, storage facilities.

  • Zenawi should return to his conscience and do the right thing by opening the democratic space, having respect to the rule of law and human rights, ending the ethnic politics and scrapping article 39, and being amenable to sound economic policies. Otherwise, he would go in disgrace as his two predecessors did.

So why aigaforum is crying out loud?

“Nation blackmailed?” Give me a break. Please ask him if any of these are untrue? Does he know what he is talking about? “ Balckmailed?” Who is forcing the regime of Meles Zenawi and for what sake or what to gain? Who is threatening the regime of Meles Zenawi to reveal what is not out there already? Telling the true face of the famine happening in Ethiopia is not unfair threatening or incriminating of Zenawi’s regime. If aigaforum thinks that the international aid agencies are telling the truth of the famine to avenge the new NGO legislation, he is fooling himself. We all know that law is being enacted to dismantle the Opposition groups and it has nothing to do with the famine, healthcare etc.

Actually, I have my own question for him.

  • Isn’t Zenawi’s shameful ethnic politics and favoritism out there?
  • Hasn’t he helped the massacre of thousands of Ethiopian soldiers in the hands of EPLF after the down fall of Dergue?
  • Hasn’t he compromised Ethiopia’s unity and sovereignty?
  • Hasn’t he caused the killing of Ayder School Kids and General Hayelom’s?
  • Hasn’t he caused the 100,000 people death for senseless war?
  • Hasn’t he caused the death of 20,000 young Ethiopians from the province of Tigray at the hands of EPLF?
  • Hasn’t he massacred or caused the massacred of our brothers and sisters in Gambela, Awassa, Regions 3 and 4 at large and indiscriminately, Arba Gugu, Asebot Gedam, Bedno, Ogaden, Afar, Tigray and Addis Ababa etc?
  • Hasn’t he caused, as a result of his idiotic economic policy, millions of people to be affected by drought and famine year after year?

What blackmail is aigaforum talking about? What a shame!

Wednesday, August 13, 2008

Ethnic Politics in Ethiopia (Article 49)

Source: http://www.anyuakmedia.com/ethnews30406.html
Reprinted:

March 04, 2006 - Article 49 of the Constitution of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia divides the country into states of various ethnic groups: 1) The State of Tigray 2) The State of Afar 3) The State of Amhara 4) The State of Oromia 5) The State of Somalia 6) The State of Benshangul/Gumuz 7) The State of the Southern Nations, Nationalities and Peoples 8) The State of the Gambela Peoples 9) The State of the Harari People.
Article 49 divides the geography of Ethiopia based on the ancestry of Ethiopians and, unlike religion, it does not the separate the state from ethnicity. As a result, Article 49 is the foundation for Ethnic politics in Ethiopia.
Ethnic politics is the lowest, most crudely primitive form of politics. It is the notion of ascribing moral, social or political significance to a man’s genetic lineage- the notion that a man’s intellectual and characterological traits are produced and transmitted by his internal body chemistry. Which means, in practice, that a man is to be judged, not by his own character and actions, but by the characters and actions of a collective of ancestors.
Ethnic politics claims that the content of a man’s mind is inherited; that a man’s convictions, values and character are determined before he is born, by physical factors beyond his control. This is the caveman’s version of the doctrine of innate ideas-or inherited knowledge - which has been thoroughly refuted by philosophy and science. Ethnic politics is a doctrine of, by and for brutes. It is appropriate to a mentality that differentiates between various breeds of animals, but not between humans.
Ethnic politics invalidates the specific attribute which distinguishes man from all other living species: his rational faculty. Ethnic politics negates two aspects of man’s life: reason and choice, or mind and morality, replacing them with chemical predisposition. Ethnic politics can lead to nothing but torrents of blood in practice. Brute force is the only avenue of action open to men who regard themselves as mindless aggregates of chemicals.
Those who implement ethnic politics have only one psychological root: their sense of inferiority. To ascribe one’s virtues to one’s ethnic origin, is to confess that one has no knowledge of the process by which virtues are acquired and, most often that one has failed to acquire them. The overwhelming majority of supporters of ethnic politics are men who have earned no sense of personal identity, who can claim no individual achievement or distinction, and who feel the illusion of a “tribal self-esteem” by alleging the inferiority of some other tribe.
In Ethnic politics, men are required by government officials to fill questionnaires about their ancestry in order to prove their belonging to a certain ethnic group. In Ethnic politics, people who belong to a certain ethnic group are penalized for the sins of their ancestors, and the whole of a certain ethnic group are charged with collective ethnic guilt for any crime committed by an individual from that ethnic group.
In Ethnic politics, men are indoctrinated with notion that the individual possesses no rights, that supremacy, moral authority and unlimited power belong to the group, and that a man has no significance outside his group – the inevitable consequence is that men began to gravitate toward some group or another, in self-protection. The simplest collective to join, the easiest one to identify, the least demanding form of belonging is: the ethnic group.
United States was the best refutation of Ethnic Politics. Men of all ethnic groups came, some from obscure, culturally undistinguished countries, and accomplished feats of productive ability which would have remained stillborn in their control-ridden native lands. Men from various ethnic groups that had been slaughtering one another for centuries, learned to live together in harmony and peaceful cooperation. America had been called “the melting pot,” with good reason. But few people realized that America did not melt men into the gray conformity of a collective: she united them by means of protecting their right to individuality.
When addressing the so called “Ethnic Question” in Ethiopia, the question that must be addressed must be not weather a group recognizable in color, features, culture or language has its rights as a group. No, the question is whether any Ethiopian individual, regardless of color, features or culture, is deprived of his rights as an Ethiopian. If the individual has all the rights and privileges due him under the laws and Constitution, we need not worry about groups and masses – those do not, in fact exist, except as figures of speech.
It is not a man’s ancestors or relatives or genes or body chemistry that counts in a free society, but only one human attribute: productive ability. It is by his own individual ability and ambition that a free society judges a man and rewards him accordingly.
My personal view is that Article 49 that was forced on the Ethiopian people by TPLF/EPRDF is the beginning of the end for Ethiopia as we new it unless the government, like religion, removes ethnicity from politics, or another government that takes Ethiopia’s interest takes its place. Mind you, the United States constitution advocates the indivisibility of the country, while that of Ethiopia is the opposite. Click here to view the Ethio-Ethnic map

Reference: The Philosophy of Ayn Rand

Saturday, August 9, 2008

How Must We Prepare the Soil for a Harvest of Freedom?

By Obang Metho
July 30, 2008
“Do not be deceived: God cannot be mocked. A man reaps what he sows. The one who sows to please his sinful nature, from that nature will reap destruction; the one who sows to please the Spirit, from the Spirit will reap eternal life.
Let us not become weary in doing good, for at the proper time we will reap a harvest if we do not give up. Therefore, as we have opportunity, let us do good to all people…” (Galatians 6: 6-10)

Ethiopia has become a place of massive and repetitive crop failures, both literally and figuratively. We are reaping what we have sown for years—and our harvest is inadequate to meet the needs of our people in terms of food, but our biggest crisis is the harvest of destruction, oppression and tyranny that happens when crops of hope are planted in rocky and infertile soil. The question is: how can we prepare the soil for a “harvest of freedom when most Ethiopians are sitting back expecting someone else to do the work or are actively sabotaging the work of others in order to advance their own interests?”


Between a Rock and a Hard Place


Between a rock and a hard place is an expression that means: stuck between two opposing forces that are both powerful, making it difficult to find a way out of a predicament. In our case, we quickly recognize Meles and his supporters as being one of these forces—perhaps the “the hard place,” but what is the other?


I say, the rock of resistance we face is our own misguided beliefs! We have become so comfortable with years of self-destructive thinking and the actions that result from it, that we don’t see ourselves as part of the problem. However, because of it, we are neglecting the soil that only produces misery and suffering, while illogically thinking that the harvest will be different next time. This kind of thinking has not worked in the past and will not work now. We must face up to it if we are to create a harvest that will sustain life in Ethiopia.


Facts: We are between a rock and a hard place. If we Ethiopians are our own rock, what shall we do?


  1. Recognize: we have created a mess and that now we must deal with it.

  2. Realize: We have to accept some of the blame for it.

  3. Understand: We are suffering because of the consequences of the choices others have made.

  4. Equally understand: because of our own bad choices, others will suffer

  5. Know: Pretending that we don’t have a major responsibility for our predicament is part of the obstruction of the “rock.”

  6. Be encouraged: We can learn to be better people and a better nation through the pain of this crisis.

How Can We Respond?



  1. Fear God: God is what we need, but yet we will not acknowledge it and accept it—perhaps because we have swallowed a lie we have accepted from Communist times or because “we want what we want” even though it ends up bringing destruction and nothingness.

  2. Seek good, not evil, that you may live. Then the LORD God Almighty will be with you, just as you say he is. Hate evil, love good; maintain justice in the courts. Perhaps the LORD God Almighty will have mercy. (Amos 5:14-15)

  3. Do not run from truth and responsibility as only as we face these two things will we learn and change. Our present crisis is an opportunity for us to listen and to turn away from what has led to our crop failures of life in Ethiopia

  4. Humble ourselves and receive what God has in store for those who do, for God opposes the proud. Oftentimes when we refuse to humble ourselves, we end up blaming other people or God when it was our own actions that created the messes we are in.

  5. Don’t lose sight of the purpose of our difficulties because God can use them to perfect and transform us into better people. We oftentimes want the benefits of freedom without being freed of those things that keep us from succeeding.

Don’t be afraid to cut off that which stops transformation and healing—what is toxic, poisonous and destructive.


“…let us throw off everything that hinders and the sin that so easily entangles, and let us run with perseverance the race marked out for us.” (Hebrews 12:1a)


We have broken minds, damaged emotions and hardened hearts and what comes out of that is rocky, dry and infertile soil where nothing grows.


Our history has become who we are and will determine our future unless we face it and replace it with God’s plan which is filled with truth, grace and healing.


No matter what we say, what we think is who we are and dictates how we behave. In other words, our actions show our real beliefs regardless of our words. Democracy, rule of law and justice are only shallow words in Ethiopia with no meaning. Instead, this government has shown their true beliefs through what they have done and it is not about freedom, except for the few, privileged loyalists.
What we think and the resulting actions is the soil prepared for the next generation. We can pass on soil good for:
destruction, misery and death, or for:
freedom and life


It is up to us! We must understand the right kind of leadership and to see warning signs of the right or wrong approaches. However, the public has to be invested in contributing or the best of leadership will go nowhere because they have not support. Just like a top-notch general in the battlefield will not win the war by himself. It is the common soldiers who win the war.


Two Kinds of Leadership
What kind of leadership do we need in light of this? Here is some insight into what Jesus says is the wrong kind of leadership and then he gives an example of the right kind of leadership


.(Matthew 20: 20-22, 24-28)Then the mother of Zebedee’s sons came to
Jesus with her sons and, kneeling down, asked a favor of him. “What is it you want?” he asked. She said, “Grant that one of these two sons of mine may sit at your right and the other at your left in your kingdom.” “You don’t know what you are asking,” Jesus said to them. “Can you drink the cup I am going to drink?” “We can,” they answered.


[Later] when the ten [other disciples] heard about this, they were indignant with the two brothers. Jesus called them together and said, “You know that the rulers of the Gentiles lord it over them, and their high officials exercise authority over them. Not so with you. Instead, whoever wants to become great among you must be your servant, and whoever wants to be first must be your slave—just as the Son of Man did not come to be served, but to serve, and to give his life as a ransom for many.”



1: Gatekeepers:


The first kind of leadership demonstrated by the personal ambition of the mother of Zebedee’s sons, I will call “gate-keepers.” This is not what will bring us a new crop in Ethiopia for it is based on flawed and destructive beliefs.


Characteristics of Gatekeepers



  • “Me-first thinking”, personally ambitious, competitive against challengers, especially those most able and capable. Gatekeepers seek to destroy competition.

  • Reserve the best for me and keep everyone else outside the gate! Prejudices based on ethnicity, skin color, religion, gender, region, education, etc.

  • Tribalistic or ethnic dominance, “It’s our turn to eat—not yours and we will fight you for it!”

  • Gatekeeping can mean the use of violence, but it does not necessarily only mean that. It could mean spreading rumors, sabotaging the efforts of others, preventing others from getting an education, clean water, economic opportunity, land or roads, but it can also mean passive resistance—lack of acknowledgement, denying credit for accomplishments, exclusion, etc.).

  • “There is only enough for us—not you!” Instead of cultivating more soil, the gatekeeper destroys the soil of others. Instead of planting more trees, the gatekeeper will steal or grab on to someone else’s, stepping on the hands and heads of others to get ahead.

  • Trust issues emerge for the gatekeeper is an opportunist (changes positions and loyalties based on what is best for him/her) so others don’t trust him/her and conversely, he/she does not trust others because he/she believes others are like him/her

  • Secretive because the public face does not match the private face. The gatekeeper knows that public knowledge of his/her private motives and tactics would bring public disapproval so they are carefully hidden.

  • Blames others and accepts little responsibility or accountability for mistakes

  • Unfree and self-destructive

  • Unchecked power will lead to abuse of others and downward cycle for individual

2: Jesus’ way: Servant or Slave of the People


The second kind of leadership is what Jesus demonstrates in his life and calls his followers to imitate. He promises that it is the way to being “great” or “first” in the kingdom of God. It is freely choosing to become a servant or slave to others.


Characteristics of Slaves/ Servants



  • Free to choose to humble self and to serve others

  • Puts the well-being of others first

  • Gives justice more than demands justice

  • Not threatened by others who are talented, committed and able to help

  • Actively empowers others and seeks ways for them to use their gifts

  • Respects the personal boundaries of others—independence, property, etc.

  • Overlooks faults of others unless respectful confrontation necessary for the betterment of the person, others or for a just cause

  • Courageous enough to speak out against misguided, wrong and destructive ways regardless of personal consequences

  • Actively works against hate, lies and injustice—not against people.

  • Transparent: Admits faults and mistakes and forgives others for theirs

  • Lives under the moral authority of universal principles given by our Creator rather than by the winds of culture, peer pressure, opportunity, revenge, escapes, etc

Characteristics of good leaders:



  1. Humble and self-effacing

  2. Respects and listens to ideas and opinions of others; questions them to gain better understanding of details that form and impact the “big picture’

  3. Ambitious for the right, for a cause, for a country—not personally ambitious or needy for recognition nor competitive towards others who are helping

  4. Happy if others are successful in contributing, empowers them and then gives credit to them for their accomplishments

  5. Goal is to pass on success to successors so they can achieve even greater success

  6. Desire is not to lead, but the reason for involvement is due to personal convictions and any God-given leading and passion

  7. Jesus is an example who embraced downward mobility—washing the feet of his disciples and then dying on cross for others to be freed from destruction to life

Application:


We must know what we want in order to fight for it. Then, we must be examples of what we are fighting for. Are we fighting for dominance—gatekeeping—leaving others out or for becoming a nation depicting humble servanthood to each other?


In the first, we plant seeds of destruction.
In the second, we plant seeds of freedom, justice, peace and truth


Meles is our hard place, but we are the rock. Without changing, we will put ourselves in another hard place. We cannot be successful by just changing our government if we remain the same. We must not resent the message of those who put pressure on us to think differently about our part in this. It is not all Meles’ fault and we must be prepared should this government change. Right now, we are not ready.


Even God disciplines those he loves and we know he loves Ethiopians—all Ethiopians. We should attempt to not resist his teaching but to be quick learners.


Who will free Ethiopia?


A changed Ethiopia will come from changed minds and hearts. It will not be a politician or political party members, but it has to come from the average Ethiopian throughout Ethiopia and in the Diaspora. However, a few can destroy Ethiopia if the rest of us are silent and do nothing.


Perhaps our suffering will force us to wake up. God sometimes allows suffering and hardship in our lives to force us to produce a better crop—one that he can only use after we are refined by persecution, difficulty or hardship. For instance, I am certain that God is the one who allowed the painful experiences I have gone through in the past in order to shape me now. Someone once said that such experiences leave us with one of two choices—to become better, more compassionate and God-fearing people or to become bitter and consumed with anger and hate.


Those experiences were difficult, but they taught me something I would not have learned from ease of living. Through my own pain I started to see the pain of others. I see now that God has used these lessons to teach me to trust Him and to live differently because of it. He gives each of us the responsibility of picking up the broken glass in our pathways so others, such as a child who might not be carefully looking out for it, would not be injured in the future. This is what we must do now.


The genocide of the Anuak was horrific, but God is using this, as only He can, to bring about something good. The lives of precious Anuak relatives, friends and colleagues were stolen from my life and I will grieve that loss forever. However, I have been pushed through this tragedy to expand my world and as a result, I have met over a thousand Ethiopians and non-Ethiopians throughout the world who have become not only friends, but like relatives to me. I am amazed how God has used this horrible tragedy to bring new people together. What Satan wanted for destruction, God can use for His purposes.


How Can We Respond?


I want to invite you to follow the example of Jesus in becoming a slave or servant to others. Let me be the first to publicly declare my choice. I am a slave to Ethiopia by choice, because I am free and because God has filled me up with love towards you. I encourage you to give up being a gatekeeper if you recognize this in yourself and most all of us will recognize it in ourselves because we are flawed humans. But yet, we must fight against it because it is a trap and it is the right thing to do. It leads to nowhere. I t is only by denying ourselves, and our personal ambitions, that we become free. I encourage you to cut off the load of competition, gatekeeping, sabotaging others or waiting for someone else to free you.


Let us be a nation of humble people who fear God and are filled up and willing to serve others.
Those two disciples of Jesus, the sons of Zebedee who were seeking honor, were transformed. You can read about them—James and John—in the Gospels, especially in the Gospel of John, written by John himself.


In the last chapter (John 21: 15 -19) of that gospel, John records a discussion between Jesus and the disciple, Peter where Jesus again turns upside down the world’s view of leadership. This time, he understands. In this passage, Jesus is asking Peter if he really loved him. Peter says, “Yes, Lord, you know that I love you.” Jesus responds by saying, “Feed my lambs.” Again Jesus asks Peter if he truly loves him. Peter again says, “Yes, Lord, you know that I love you.” Jesus repeats the same instruction, “Take care of my sheep.” A third time, Jesus asks Peter, “Do you love me?” Peter, hurt because Jesus had asked him the same question three times responds again, “Lord, you know all things; you know that I love you.” Then Jesus gives him the call for the third time, “Feed my sheep.” He then told him that it would cost him, but that it would glorify God. He then told Peter to “follow him.” Peter followed him and God used him as the rock to build his church by humbly “caring for the lambs.”


Gatekeepers don’t care about the sheep, but make sure they eat first. Are we willing to become people concerned about the sheep—who “feed the sheep” of Ethiopia, of the Horn, of Africa and of humanity? Our future will be dramatically altered if we do. Are we willing to take such a step? Until we do, we will be in self-perpetuating bondage to our past failures. We will eat and never be filled, drink, but will remain thirsty. We will desire freedom, but our souls will be in bondage to destruction. The reality is, we are not really ready to be free of Meles until we are free in our souls. May the God who loves Meles as much as He does us, free his soul as well.


Are We Rightly Preparing for a “Harvest of Freedom?”


Do we reap what we sow? Yes, but the “best injustice” in the world is that God is full of forgiveness, love, mercy and grace and if we humbly repent of our ways and seek guidance from our Creator, He not treat us as we deserve. If we are willing to listen, He can lead us to new solutions to our predicament. He is interested in healing the wounded and raising up the sick from their beds of torment. He wants to produce freedom in our souls that will spill over in its abundance to others. He is not interested in punishing us, but in redeeming us. The only way Ethiopia can be freed is if all Ethiopians come together and agree to put their differences aside, with one common goal in achieving a national reconciliation like South Africa did, like Mahatma Ghandi did, or like Martin Luther King, Jr did in the civil rights movement. This is why we are calling for a Solidarity Movement for a New Ethiopia.


Again, as I have it many times, this is not about politics, but about how human rights is founded on God-given principles of how to act towards others to bring about healthy, well-functioning societies. We in Ethiopia have been entrapped in self-defeating patterns that have skewed our views on leadership and caused us to follow those who have led us to more destruction. We have “grown” exactly the crop of leaders, and the crop of followers, we have planted. We must open our eyes and change our ways.


As long as we have Ethiopians who will eat the crops of failure without calling for a re-nourishing of the soil and the planting of new kinds of seeds, we will see crop failures and the malnourishment of the soul of Ethiopia. It is time to cultivate a new kind of crop that will bring the “harvest of freedom” for which our hearts crave. Are we ready? The answer is yours. You do not have to be a leader to influence our leaders and our society.


May God expose the lies that have perpetuated our misery so that we may choose a different path. May God’s name be praised and may He redeem the hearts, minds and souls of Ethiopia!—



————–For more information please contact me by email at: Obang@anuakjustice.org —————

The Greatest Man, Dr. Berhanu Abebe Passed Away at 75

Source:Written by CyberEthiopia

Wednesday, 16 July 2008

Addis Ababa, July 3, 2008 (Addis Ababa) - French President Nicolas Sarkozy expresses condolences on the death of the renowned Ethiopian scholar, Dr. Berhanu Abebe. Sarkozy sent the letter of condolence to President Girma Woldegiorgis on behalf of the French people and government; and on his own.


President Sarkozy said the death of Dr. Berhanu was a loss not only to Ethiopia but also to Africa, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs told ENA.A press release from the French Embassy in Addis Ababa also said "Professor Berhanu Abebe will be sorely missed"."An incredible mind and a wonderful scholar, Professor Berhanu Abebe was, all through his lifetime, a committed and outstanding proponent of the Ethiopian culture as well as of Francophony.”“A lawyer, historian and erudite , Professor Berhanu Abebe was entrusted with prestigious positions, which he owed to his great talent: an academic and researcher of great renown, he was also appointed Vice-president of the PanAfrican Congress and Deputy General Manager of the Ethio-French Railway Company.”

“Professor Berhanu Abebe authored a French-Amharic dictionary and an Amharic-French one and translated several pieces of work into Amharic (notably "le Bateau ivre", by French poet Arthur Rimbaud). In 1998, he published a remarkable history of Ethiopia in French, a testimony of his love for both Ethiopia, his native country, and France, to which he was the greatest of friends.”"France honored Professor Berhanu Abebe's many achievements by bestowing upon him its greatest destinations: he was made a knight of l'Ordre National du Mérite, an Officer of the Palmes Académiques (for academic excellence), a knight of La Légion d'Honneour and a Commander of "Arts et Lettres" '.


His commitment to the values of peace and dialogue, and his humanist principles were at the heart of his life, it said. On the occasion of the bi-centenary of the French revolution, Professor Berhanu Abebe had translated the Declaration of Human Rights into Amharic.

Friday, August 8, 2008

SERIOUS NOTES ON THE STRUGGLE FOR DEMOCRACY

Several Ethiopians were frustrated and becoming cynical as the struggle to democratize Ethiopia seems being lead to dead end. They were up in arms over the failure of opposition leaders at best to work together and/or at least to” agree to disagree” on the choice of strategies of the struggle. Few Diaspora member flew off the handle when Professor Mesfin reportedly said, “EPRDF is not an enemy.” It is unfortunate.

UDJ and Ginbot 7 leaders and other good wise men/women told these Diaspora members to not get their knickers in a twist as the battle lines have been drawn among those who accept the peaceful struggle, armed struggle, and peaceful/armed struggle. What these few angry men/women kept forgetting is that all parties/fronts have bones to pick with together as their end goal is to democratize Ethiopia. The peaceful and armed struggle should not be a bone of contention. Some people vehemently argue that “those who accept peaceful struggle are free to follow and support UDJP and the like; those who choose armed struggle, they are free to join EPPF and others; those who believe in armed/peaceful (Hulegeb) struggle, they may follow and support Ginbot 7, EPRP and others. We are free to talk the talk, so let’s start walking the walk.” It makes sense.

Monday, July 28, 2008

Special Commentary: We've met the enemy!

Editorial commentator: Alemayehu G. Mariam July 28, 2008

Lately, there has been talk about “The Enemy." Some say, the Woyane regime of Zenawi is “The Enemy.” Others say it is not. If woyane is the “The Enemy," what to do? If it is not, then what? Does it matter whether one calls Zenawi's regime “The Enemy”?

It all seems a bit complicated. The word “enemy,” I mean. There are all sorts of enemies. Adolf Hitler and the Nazis killed 6 million innocent Jews as “enemies of the Aryan race”. Jospeh Stalin and the Bolsheviks wiped out 30 million “enemies of the people” by starvation, executions and deportations to the Gulags. Mao Tse Tung and the Chinese Communist Party decimated 60 million “class enemies”. Today, the Chinese supply all sorts of weapons to al-Bashir, despite a U.N. ban, to kill the people of Darfur. A few months ago, they sent a shipload weapons to Mugabe to kill more Africans; but South African dockworkers refused to unload the 77 tons of small arms and grenade launchers destined for Mugabe’s thugs. Who would have predicted the Chinese would be the African Merchants of Death -- the “enemies” of the African people -- just a few years ago? Osama bin Laden declared “the West and Israel are the enemies of Islam” and killed 3,000 innocent Americans.

When Zenawi canned the leaders of Kinijit, human rights advocates and civic society leaders in prison on trumped up charges of treason and insurrection, and jailed without trial hundreds of thousands of other ordinary citizens on suspicion of opposition to his regime, they became “enemies of the state”. Earlier this year, Zenawi said “Eritrea has been actively destabilising the African nations of the Horn. They are on record as saying they would be happy to equip, arm and deploy armed groups in Ethiopia to destabilise Ethiopia.” Eritrea must be the arch “enemy” of Ethiopia, if Zenawi is to be believed. May be not. In international politics, they say, “nations have no permanent friends and no permanent enemies. Only permanent interests.” The author of the definitive work on war, Carl von Clauswiz, taught the science of war to destroy the “enemy” in battle. Sun Tzu taught the art and philosophy of war to vanquish the “enemy” and achieve victory, and not necessarily on the battlefield.

There are other kinds of “enemies”. Richard Nixon had an official “Political Enemies Project” with the aim of “screwing” his political opponents, including journalists, politicians, anti-war protesters and others who criticized him. Malcom X urged Blacks to “unite against a common enemy, the white man.” John Kennedy said, “Forgive your enemies, but never forget their names.” There is the old saying about “the enemy of my enemy is my friend.” Today’s friend could be tomorrow’s “enemy."

Then there is the “enemy” who is not. Christ taught “Love your enemies and pray for those whose persecute you.” Gandhi said the “enemy” is not out there but resides deep within us and every time we hate, it grows larger until one day it consumes us completely. Dr. King explained that “love your enemy” means “discover the element of good in him”. In the final analysis, King said, “We will remember not the words of our enemies, but the silence of our friends.” Then two mortal “enemies”, Nelson Mandela -- the most feared “enemy” of white South Africans -- and F. W. deKlerk, -- the most hated symbol of white supremacy for blacks in South Africa -- shocked the world when they joined hands and buried the common “enemy” of apartheid; and on its grave built a multiparty democratic government for 35 million South Africans. In the nick of time, two lifelong sworn “enemies” came together to save their country from the annihilation of a race war. Enemies!? Not enemies!?

What does it mean to say the woyane regime is the “enemy”?

Those who say Zenawi’s Woyane regime is the “enemy” of the Ethiopian people point to a mountain of evidence of crimes against humanity, war crimes and genocide committed against the people of Ethiopia. They point to massive violations of human rights and political repression, rigged and stolen elections, systemic corruption, economic mismanagement and the rapacious plunder of the country’s resources by a syndicate of criminals who try to palm themselves off as a legitimate “government”. They say the top corps of the woyane leadership consists of cunning, ruthless, vicious and stone-cold criminals who maintain themselves in power by force of arms only. They say the woyane regime is far more brutal and cruel than the Italian Fascist army that invaded Ethiopia, and no different in its aims to completely destroy the social, economic and political fabric of the country. They believe Zenawi will never give up power through the ballot box, only at gun point. As illustrative proof, they point to an arrogant invitation once extended by Zenawi himself to the effect that anyone who wants get rid of him must do what he did to the previous regime: Fight all the way from the bush and eject him from power. But a military victory over the woyane would not be particularly difficult, they say, pointing to the fact that the woyane army has been bogged down in Somalia and unable to defeat a ragtag coalition of Somali insurgents.

What does it mean to say the woyane regime is not an enemy?

Those who say the woyane regime is not an “enemy” reject the idea of using the word “enemy” in political dialogue to characterize political opponents. They believe the woyane, however misguided or depraved they are, are first and foremost Ethiopians and must be treated as “political adversaries”. They strongly condemn the dastardly crimes and corruption of the woyane regime. But they also see the woyane trapped in an inescapable predicament: Riding on the back of the tiger. They say the woyanes’ hands are dripping with the blood of innocent Ethiopians, and they know they will be held accountable if they give up power. The woyane have also become obscenely rich from corruption and theft of state resources. They simply will not give up the stolen loot without a fight. And most importantly, they say, the woyane are scared silly. “They fear their own shadows. They see man-eating lions in tree stumps. They see hordes of demons in an empty dark room. They see a precipitous cliff over every hill.” They say, possessed by such fear, the woyane leaders will react dangerously and recklessly like wild animals. Political survival requires them to be cruel, depraved and brutal.

But they argue that using the word “enemy” to describe them only plays into their hands 1) by validating and reaffirming the sense of pervasive fear and loathing widely shared among the woyane leadership and their supporters, and 2) by giving the woyane a propaganda windfall to engage in an all-out fear mongering campaign to scare other Ethiopians. They say the woyane will use the “enemy” characterization to tell Ethiopians living in the north of the country, minority ethnic groups and Muslims that their compatriots, and particularly the Christian elites, think of them as “enemies” and given the chance will do them great harm and drive them out of their ancestral lands. They say that is exactly what Zenawi told the Ambassadors' Donors Group on May 9, 2005, and campaigned on in the elections of that same year1:

That in my view can pose a threat to stability in Ethiopia. So long as these groups are on the fringes, they add color and spice. But in the long run, they will create a problem. If we do not have a loyal opposition, loyal to the constitutional order, then the choice for the people will be the EPRDF or chaos. And this is not a good choice, and not good for democracy. But this for me is not the main weakness of the opposition. It is a weakness, but it is not the major one. The main weakness of the opposition is that they have identified a number of scapegoats. These scapegoats are not Jews because most of them have left. These are not Tutsis because we do not have Tutsis here. Despite what the Interhamwes used to say, Tutsis are Rwandans. The scapegoats here are primarily Tigrayans, the Muslims and minority ethnic groups. Even in the very successful demonstration we had yesterday, some of the statements of the opposition was in coded language. What they said yesterday was – “We will send the EPRDF to where it came from.” The EPRDF is tantamount to the TPLF, which is tantamount to the Tigrayans. Because of the numbers in the rally, they became bolder than normally. They had a slogan “Kick the Tigrayans, send them back home.” Interhamwe used to say, “Send the Tutsis home through the Nile dead.” Now these are not the spur of the moment statements. Everyone of us say lots of things when we are nervous. That will not be an exaggeration and should not be taken lightly. These are ideas published in books and are circulating in their thousands, books in the market, articulating these views.

But the facts were different, they say. On the same day (May 9), Ana Gomez condemned Zenawi's "Rwanda talk" and said, "hundreds of thousands of people attended rallies in the capital, Addis Ababa, without incident," an event described in the international press as a "miracle." Indeed, after the polls closed on May 15, it became clear that Kinijit had swept the local and parliamentary seats in Addis Ababa. It was equally clear that the rest of the country had delivered a similar message ending Zenawi's rule. But when Zenawi declared a state of emergency with talk of interhamwe after the elections, the real fear among many Tigreans, particularly in Addis Ababa, was that they would be targets of violence by the woyane forces in the dark of night, which would later be blamed on Kinijit and others to justify woyanes' continued hold on power.

Nonetheless, those who would like to treat the woyane as political adversaries give two reasons to avoid armed confrontation with them: 1) Innocent civilians will be massacred by the woyane in large numbers in much the same way as it is happening in the Ogaden region currently. 2) Removal from power of the woyane regime will merely repeat the violent history of political struggles and change in Ethiopia. They point to the May, 2005 elections as an example of the only way to do it. “Let the people vote in a fair and free election. Respect their judgment. That is the only legitimate way for any government to have and to hold power in Ethiopia,” they say. Otherwise, they argue, the next group that violently overthrows the woyane will be the mirror image of the woyane.

Knowing and Fighting the “Enemy”

Is there only one way to know and fight “The Enemy”? Ought one fight the “enemy” through an armed struggle? Should one fight the “enemy” by non-violent means? These are not new questions. Modern world history offers compelling insights. First, it is important to understand that to hold a belief is not necessarily to act on the beliefs. Take Mandela, for instance. He founded Umkhonto We Sizwe (“Spear of the Nation”) in 1960 in response to the Sharpeville Massacre; and became the leader of the armed wing of the ANC. He planned a guerilla war, coordinated a campaign of sabotage and military action against the apartheid government and was jailed for life for those activities. On the day of his release in 1990, in his very first speech, he declared his commitment to peace and reconciliation with the country’s white minority, but made it clear that the ANC’s armed struggle will go on: “Our resort to the armed struggle in 1960 with the formation of the military wing of the ANC (Umkhonto We Sizwe) was a purely defensive action against the violence of apartheid. The factors which necessitated the armed struggle still exist today. We have no option but to continue. We express the hope that a climate conducive to a negotiated settlement would be created soon, so that there may no longer be the need for the armed struggle.” Soon thereafter he joined hands with deKlerk, and in a negotiated settlement peacefully transitioned South Africa to majority rule!

Martin Luther King waged the civil rights struggle in the U.S. by nonviolent means. He led mass protests and engaged in acts of civil disobedience. Many who actively participated in the fight against segregation, discrimination and racial injustice in the civil rights movement were jailed, beaten, lynched and persecuted. Malcom X, on the other hand, said black people can not negotiate with the “white enemy”. Blacks should fight back and exact an eye for an eye, Malcom said. But Dr. King and Malcom shared common ground; they had a common cause. Malcom said, “Dr. King wants the same thing I want -- freedom!... I want Dr. King to know that I didn't come to Selma to make his job difficult. I really did come thinking I could make it easier. If the white people realize what the alternative is, perhaps they will be more willing to hear Dr. King.” But Malcom was clear about one thing: Black people must have “complete freedom, justice and equality by any means necessary.” Dr. King’s civil rights movement resulted in massive changes in the American legal system which guaranteed to all Americans, but particularly African Americans, a whole range of civil rights and the mechanisms to enforce them. Malcom’s efforts unleashed the black consciousness movement. MAlcom’s black nationalism kindled a new sense of self-identity in young African Americans and helped engage them in the politics of liberation. Both King and Malcom played critical and vital roles in the struggle for justice in America.


Who is right?

“Who is right?” is the wrong question to ask. It is a matter of opinion. Those who choose to perceive the woyane regime as an enemy have a perfectly legitimate right to hold that belief. Others could disagree with them, but that does not deny the fact that they have an absolute right to hold and convince others of their beliefs. That is the meaning of freedom of expression. Malcom X had as much right to say the “white man is the enemy” to be resisted “by any means necessary” as Dr. King had the right to say, the white man is not the enemy, and that “love is the only force capable of transforming an enemy (white man) into friend,” not violence and war. This is one of the greatest qualities of the United States of America. We all have the constitutionally and statutorily protected right to hold and propagate our beliefs, however sublime or silly they may be, without fear of any government or person.

Who is wrong?

“Who is wrong?” is the right question to ask. S/he who heaps insults on another for believing woyane is the enemy is wrong. S/he who demonizes another for believing woyane is not the enemy is wrong. It is wrong to cast aspersions on someone for believing woyane must be resisted by any means necessary. It is wrong to impugn the motives of another for believing nonviolent civil disobedience is the best course of action. It is wrong to be intolerant and accusatory. But it is not wrong to argue passionately and civilly about the horrible crimes of Zenawi and his regime, or the need for peaceful engagement of his regime. Our ideas do not gain acceptance or face rejection because we embellish the truth, garnish it with insults or spike it with anger. Our ideas rise and fall on the cold hard evidence and the persuasive logic marshaled to support them.

We Have Met the Enemy!

Many years ago, there used to be an old comic strip called “Pogo” which appeared regularly in American newspapers. The funny animal characters in Pogo lived in a swamp community, which figuratively represented the diversity of American society and issues facing it. That community began to disintegrate because its residents were incapable of communicating with each other to deal with the most important and urgent issues facing them. They wasted valuable time on non-issues. One day, Pogo saw the swamp they live in filled with debris and litter. In reflective frustration he sighed, “We have met the enemy. He is us!”

Pogo has a very good point. As members of the Ethiopian pro-democracy movement we should look in the mirror and ask basic questions of ourselves: Why can’t we unite as a global force for justice and human rights advocacy in Ethiopia? Why can’t we build strong bridges across ethnic lines and use the language of human rights to communicate with each other? Why don’t we shout together -- and often -- a mighty shout of protest when the human rights of our Oromo brothers and sisters are trampled by Zenawi day in and day out? Or defend the Amharas when they are maligned as the persecutors of “Tigreans, minority groups and Muslims”? Or speak unreservedly against those who seek to paint all Tigreans with a broad brush of ethnic hatred? Why are we politely silent about the plight of our people in the Ogaden, the Afar and Gambella regions? Where is our outrage -- where are our tears -- when they were bombed, strafed and slaughtered? Driven from their homes and made refugees by the hundreds of thousands? Why aren’t we joining hands -- locking hands -- to defend the territorial integrity of the motherland? And so on… Is Zenawi to blame for any of the above? Pogo is right: “We have met the enemy!”

Beyond Enemies and Foes: Let’s Talk About Us!

There is a future for Ethiopia that is beyond enemies and foes. It is a future that we can all shape, mold, create and build for ourselves and generations to come. It is a future free of fear, violence, hatred and religious and ethnic bigotry. It is a future firmly founded on the consent of the people, the rule of law and vibrant democratic institutions. It is a future very much similar to the one envisioned by Nelson Mandela for South Africa: “Never, never and never again shall it be that this beautiful land will again experience the oppression of one by another and suffer the indignity of being the skunk of the world.” It is a future about a society where government respects the rights of its citizens and protects individual liberties; and leaders are accountable to the people and the law of the land. It is a future where our young people will take over the helm of state and society.
We are wasting too much time and energy talking about enemies from without. We should be talking about us -- our cause, who we are and who we are not, what we stand for and believe in, how we can help each other and avoid harming ourselves, cooperate and collaborate with each other to help our less fortunate brothers and sisters. We should not have a conversation about enemies. Our victory is in our unity, not enmity. We should be talking about friends who seek to reach the same destination at the end of the rainbow of green, yellow and red. We should be talking about the pot of priceless treasure at the end of the rainbow: human rights protected by law, democratic institutions sustained by the consent of the people and public accountability secured by the rule of law and law of the land. But we can not get to our destination traveling the same old road paved with accusations, recriminations and insults. Nor can we get there on the wings of bitterness and pettiness. We must take a different road, the road less traveled. In the verse of Robert Frost:
... I shall be telling this with a sigh Somewhere ages and ages hence: Two roads diverged in a wood, and I — I took the one less traveled by, And that has made all the difference.

Now that we have met the enemy, let’s hold hands in friendship and head into the future on the road less traveled by, the road not taken. It will make all the difference for us as human beings! It will make all the difference for us as a people, and as a nation!

One Ethiopia Today. One Ethiopia Tomorrow! One Ethiopia Forever!
---1Do we know Meles Zenawi?

----The writer, Alemayehu G. Mariam, is a professor of political science at California State University, San Bernardino, and an attorney based in Los Angeles. For comments, he can be reached at almariam@gmail.com
Recent editorials