Democracy betrayed by rulers with no mandate: Ana Gomes

By Abebe Gelaw
London May 17, 2006 (AV) West London’s Porchester Hall has obviously hosted so many plays and concerts. But for the Ethiopian community in London, the most moving or joyous performances ever staged in that hall would be unlikely to leave as enduring memory as Sunday’s first year anniversary of the May 2005 elections which was graced by the of presence prominent pro-democracy advocates such as Member of the European Parliament Honourable Ana Gomes, Steve Sinnott, Secretary General of the National Union of Teachers and Addis Ferenji, the French human rights campaigner. For such highly conscientious people, injustice anywhere, as Martin Luther King Jr. said, is indeed a threat to justice everywhere.

Like a great melodrama, the presentations deeply disturbed the audience as speakers took turns to recount the brutalities and atrocities being committed by the Meles regime which has turned a promising national election into one of Africa’s most tragic repressions. The tears shed by many in the audience were wiped off at the end with a colourful performance staged by a London based artistic troupe that honoured not only those who came to renew their commitment to freedom, justice and democracy but also victims of repression. Wrapped up with Ethiopia’s tricolour, Ana Gomes, Obang Metho, Addis Ferenji and Dr Giday Assefa injected joy and hope in the veins of the audience and revived their dream for a better future.

Member of the European Parliament and Chief of the EU Election Observation Mission to Ethiopia (EU-EOM) lambasted the Meles regime, which she referred to as rulers without the proper mandate to rule, for betraying the hope for democracy in Ethiopia.

In her moving speech, she said that she felt very privileged to witness the extraordinary quest of the Ethiopian people for freedom and democracy. “It was not by chance that I was picked up to lead the European election observation mission. One of the criteria was that I had no link whatsoever with your country. I was very fortunate to lead an extraordinary European team of around two hundred professional men and women.” She said a propaganda campaign was launched against the EU observation team by the government for declaring the election as marred by fraud and vote rigging. "It was our obligation, as election observers, to tell the truth no matter how bitter it could be to those who resorted to dirty tricks and violence to deny the Ethiopian people the right to be ruled by elected officials," she said.

Ms Gomes indicated that the observation team, which was deployed in various parts of the country during the elections, had a much better picture than diplomats and the international community who were mostly confined to the capital. According to the chief observer, wherever she travelled she was surprised to find out that even peasants in the middle of nowhere who were said to lend massive support to the ruling party were actually resenting its monopoly of land, unfair distribution and supply of fertilizer, as well as its oppressive hands that meddle their daily lives.
"It was evident that Ethiopians yearned for a democratic change. May 15th 2005 was a beautiful day that I will never forget in my life,” she said. Ms Gomes noted that the observation mission was alarmed by the disturbing developments in the aftermath of the elections when demonstrations were banned and the public media controlled by the ruling party started to provocatively sing victory to the incumbents before ballot papers were even counted and tallied.

Not only did the EU-EOM witness the historic elections but also the June massacres and gross human rights violations that shocked and moved the observers to date. “I can’t understand to this date how some world leaders can actually rub shoulders and pat the back of those responsible for the massacres,” she said.

“Three weeks after these massacres of June 8, Mr Meles Zenawi was hosted here, wined, dined and had his back patted by Tony Blair and other world leaders.”

She noted that Western leaders lacked the moral authority to talk about human rights and democracy while they turn a blind eye to the suffering of the Ethiopian people under tyranny. They should prove their sincerity by demanding the rulers of Ethiopia to release all political prisoners, human rights activists and journalists and stop committing atrocities, she said.

No matter how smart Mr Meles tries to appear, the chief observer believes that she can identify his devious methods. “I know that those who are at the wrong side of history will go at some point. Those who are for justice, human rights, the rule of law and democracy will prevail as they have prevailed in the rest of the world including South Africa.”

She underscored that Ethiopia would not get out of abject poverty and underdevelopment unless a democratic system of governance is put in place. The chief observer has expressed her personal commitment to do everything in her power to help the struggle for democracy and to press for the release of all prisoners of conscience including journalists and human rights campaigners. She stated that she felt responsibility for their suffering as she and her colleagues had made a lot of efforts to persuade opposition leaders not to boycott the elections and to have faith in democracy.

She urged Western governments to stop propping up friendly dictators and stand by the people of Ethiopia and urged Ethiopians to unite in their fight for justice, democracy and the rule of law.

Concluding her remark, she emphasized that there must be no illusion that outside support, despite its importance, is enough on its own to bring about a democratic order. “It is ultimately the unity of the people of Ethiopia that makes the difference to make the aspirations for democracy fulfilled,” said the eloquent and veritable parliamentarian. She also called on exiled journalists to speak the truth loudly and fearlessly.

Ato Andargechew Tsigie of the Coalition for Unity and Democracy, whose leaders have all been jailed, promised earlier that every effort would be made to unify Ethiopians and intensify the struggle for freedom, justice, rule of law and democracy. Having analysed the current situation in Ethiopia, he disclosed that his party was charting strategies to provide a unified leadership in and outside of Ethiopia.

General Secretary of the British National Union of Teachers, Mr Steve Sinnott, said he was deeply disturbed by the appalling of repressions being perpetrated by the ruling party. He said that the repressions following May 15th elections were immensely disturbing. Mr Sinnot said that all the positive hopes for peace, development and democracy that many had cherished proved naïve.

“Those of us who put too much hope on democracy can be accused today of being naïve because those hopes, at least for the moment, have been shattered by the killings particularly by the killings school children.”

He said that the fact that Ato Kassahun Kebede of the Ethiopian Teachers’ Association is in prison accused of genocide and treason was impossible to believe. “The accusation against decent human beings and decent trade unions is outrageous.” Mr Sinnott concluded his remark by echoing some of the slogans of protesters on May 8, Ethiopian martyrs’ day. “I couldn’t join the chanting because I would have wept out of emotion and my feelings to the people who were being remembered.”

Fighting back tears, he repeated some of the slogans the protesters were chanting outside the Ethiopian embassy in London: “The Ethiopian people shall triumph! Our martyrs are immortal! Victory to the Ethiopian people!”

The next speaker Dr Giday Assefa of the International Tigrean Democratic Association, made another hard-hitting speech and appealed to all Ethiopians throughout the world not to fall prey to TPLF’s divisive hate campaigns.

“Since the election day they have intensified their efforts to sow ethnic hatred. They are particularly driving wedge between Tigreans and Amharas. The international community must take notice and oppose this sinister act of Meles and his cohorts that can lead to another gross human tragedy in Ethiopia.”

Dr Giday accused Meles Zenawi and his close associates of betraying the Ethiopian people by holding a national election and resorting to massive scale crackdowns against dissidents.

According to Dr Giday, it is a historic irony that the true patriots and democrats are accused of crimes they never committed. “Meles Zenawi is the very person who should have been charged with treason and crimes against humanity and for betraying the interests of Ethiopia and committing genocide against the Anuak people and many other Ethiopians.”

Regarding the conduct of the elections, he said they were marred with wrongs from the very start. “The May 15th election was a choice between oppressors, who should have been charged with treason, mass murder and corruption, on the one hand and pro-democracy intellectuals who stand for justice, democracy, liberty and human rights.”


Obang Metho of the Anuak Justice Council spoke at length about the genocide perpetrated in Gambella and the need to strengthen solidarity amongst the peoples of Ethiopia as a multi-ethnic nation. He said that unless Ethiopians are able to forge a united front against tyranny there is little chance of restoring freedom, justice and democracy. He brought to the attention of the audience campaigning for the release of all prisoners of conscience should be a priority as they have committed no crimes except resisting the tyranny an armed minority over the unarmed majority.

The courageous blogger and human rights activist Nathalie Margiotta, aka Addis Ferenji, who made a great deal of contribution to inform Ethiopian’s on current developments after the June massacre with her blog on Nazret.com, told the audience what she witnessed in Ethiopia until she was forced to leave the country. She asserted that the current rulers are corrupt and only interested in themselves. The audience erupted with laughter when she declared, with a sweet Amharic accent, “Weyane leba new. That is what they are!” which literally means TPLF is a thief. Out of anger and frustration, she too wanted to throw stones at those who were out to kill innocent civilians.

Addis Ferenji expressed her sadness that the Ethiopian people have been robbed of their votes in full view of the international community. After recounting the level of repressions against ordinary citizens including children and women, which she was able to witness first hand, she rapped up her speech with a wish. “I want to see the dictators standing trial at The Hague."

The event, which was organised by Ethiopians for Peace and Democracy, renewed the commitment of many Ethiopians who have been forced into exile by the regime because of their opposition to repressions.

The Ethiopian Embassy in London declined to give any comments. The ambassador's secretary told this reporter that His Excellency had no time to discuss allegations of human rights violations in Ethiopia.
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Photos: Alebachew Desalegne
Reported by exiled journalist Abebe Gelaw, founding editor of http://www.addisvoice.com/. He can be reached at editor@addisvoice.com.

AigaForum versus Obang Metho: Is there Racism in Ethiopia?

Isayas A. Abaye & Zeru Hagos of Aiga Forum are on fire for their derogatory and racial comment directed at the first African-American RNC Chairman of US, Michael Steele and the beacon of the Ethiopian opposition politics and human rights activist Mr. Obang Metho.

We demand Abaye and Hagos to apologize to RNC Chairman Steele and Attorney Obang Metho.

Please read on:

By Obang Metho February 12, 2009

On the morning of February 4, an Ethiopian friend called me and asked, “Did you know you were on AigaForum?” (For those readers not familiar with AigaForum, it is well known to Ethiopians as being the EPRDF government controlled website.) I asked him, “What am I doing on AigaForum?”

I then learned that my picture was posted alongside the picture of Michael Steele, the new chairman of the Republican National Committee (RNC) with the header over our pictures: “Window Dressing,” accompanied by a short article where it was claimed that we were both being “used” by our respective groups to falsely present the impression that minorities had a meaningful role within their power structures when in fact, such roles were only reserved for “insiders.”

This is the picture as it appeared on AigaForum on 2/4/2009)
My phone has not stopped ringing ever since, with calls from diverse Ethiopians who are outraged, embarrassed and ashamed! In less than 24 hours, the pictures and article were removed, but it is too late. I have already saved the article. I think an “Ethiopian can of worms” has been opened!

First of all, I want to apologize to Michael Steele on behalf of the countless numbers of Ethiopians who do not support the demeaning statements made about him on AigaForum. For those who do not know, Chairman Steele comes to the Republican National Committee (RNC) with excellent credentials including being the first elected African American to public office in Maryland when he became the lieutenant governor there in 2002.


He is recognized by his party to be an outstanding communicator, recently attaining his position as head of the RNC through wide grass roots support and due to the respect of his colleagues, being picked over four other candidates, including former President Bush’s own choice for that position. Part of his platform was to better reach out to “friend and foe alike.” He said, “This is the dawn of a new party moving in a new direction with strength and conviction.”

Chairman Steele might be mistaken for Habesha, (ሐበሻ) or an Ethiopian from the highlands of our country, yet those behind the AigaForum article, are known to be closely aligned with the TPLF, which is made up of people who look very much like him. What must he think of this? In fact, what would Martin Luther King, Jr., one of the greatest promoters of equal opportunity for people of all skin colors, think of this? How about Mandela, Obama or the RNC?

Some very reliable sources, who do not want to be identified, indicate that the source of this AigaForum article came from some in the Ethiopian Diaspora who are very connected with the Meles government and the Ethiopian Embassy in Washington D.C., even identifying more specifically who is behind this—with their names and their pictures.

We believe that the editor of AigaForum, Mr. Zeru Hagos, the Ethiopian Embassy in Washington D.C and the EPRDF should take responsibility for this and publicly apologize to Chairman Steele, the Republican National Committee who are being insulted for disingenuously electing him as well as apologizing to me and the Solidarity Movement for a New Ethiopia.

I have already contacted Chairman Steele’s office and shared with them the entire AigaForum article with our side-by-side picture. They were very interested and I will be following up with them, possibly meeting together with him face-to-face within the next two weeks, so that respect and civility can return to our political debates.

My hope is to help restore broken relationships
Despite the intentions of the EPRDF to point fingers at others in order to divide us, we must use this very negative action in a way that will prevent hatred from overcoming our struggle for “the dawn of a New Ethiopia.” What man intends for evil, God can use as an opportunity for good and that is what I intend to do, but to do so, I must bring up a topic that no one has wanted to talk about—racism in Ethiopia. My hope is to help restore broken relationships, stop the dehumanization of some in our society by others, to bring greater opportunity for reconciliation, to help us move ahead together and to embrace all in the family of Ethiopia.

Let me review the major quote from the AigaForum article by first explaining that this one is in response to a previous article written in Amharic by Tekla Michael, an Ethiopian from Vancouver. The following is an English translation of his chosen title: ““It used to be “O” for Obama and Obama has accomplished his mission but now “O” is for Obang--Ethiopian Obama has been born,” In his Amharic article, http://www.ecadforum.com/files/Editorial_About_Obang.pdf, Tekla compares my ideas and the fact that I am a minority speaking a message that could unify diverse Ethiopians, with Obama, who was also a minority who was unifying Americans with his own message.

In response to Tekla’s article, the author of the AigaForum article writes:
“So the buzz word “Paradigm Shift” is being heard by the high priests. The recent “Obgangiyee” (the same Obang who recently found out the Diaspora politician in all the meeting he canvassed are all over 50) is as transparently phony as the selection of Michael Steel for the RNC. Michael Steel has as much chance to rustle the party form the Rush Limbaugh as any third party winning the presidency in the USA. The pain of coming to terms with reality!” (As it appeared on AigaForum on 2/4/2009)
Meles regime has made an art of using minorities for their own “window dressing,”
The author of this article, whose position was obviously supported by AigaForum where it appeared, was accusing the Ethiopian opposition in the Diaspora and the RNC, for what was claimed to be a “pretense of inclusion,” but it is not difficult to see through the motives of the EPRDF. They would like to divide the opposition into at least two camps:

1) those who would react in defense of me and the basic principles of the Solidarity Movement, which includes not only minorities, but also many wonderful Ethiopians from “the dominant” culture who recognize the evil of our “apartheid-like” system, and
2) those who are part of the old entrenched power system that holds tightly to the historic entitlement of dominant cultural groups, one at a time, controlling everyone else even while sometimes preaching the gospel of unity and democracy.

In an overused practice of divide and conquer, the TPLF leaders want to both outrage the first group against the second and then embarrass and disempower the second by suggesting they are talking about inclusion only for their own self-interests. In this way, they may have thought they could defeat both at the same time. The hypocrisy of it is almost a joke because the Meles regime has made an art of using minorities for their own “window dressing,” using them when convenient and discarding them for that same reason.

Even this AigaForum article is “using my skin color” to discredit others for doing the same thing, but we can see through it. Yet, it is not only the TPLF who have smiled, flattered and “strategically” included minorities as a cover up for an attempt to sabotage, exploit, destroy or hijack something or someone else; in fact, many from both minority and dominant groups, have even personally warned me of the potential for this happening because some are threatened by “a new paradigm” that led to the formation of the Solidarity Movement for a New Ethiopia (SMNE).

However, I want to calm those fears, for this movement is not a movement of a tribe, an individual or a political group, but a movement initiated by diverse people on behalf of the people because of our past failure as a society to uphold the rights of all our people. That is why the core principles of the Solidarity Movement are summarized in these two statements: “humanity before ethnicity” and “no one is free until we all are free.” Anyone agreeing with these principles is invited to come and be part of this movement because it is a movement for all people. It is not a movement to run the country, but to empower the people, to educate the people and to free the country so we can live in a healthier society. We will work with existing organizations and ones still to be formed if we have goals in common.

We must find ways stop the racism and dehumanization of millions
In order to pave the way to better work together, we must find ways stop the racism and dehumanization of millions of Ethiopians. Many have told me that they are very nervous about addressing this topic because they are ashamed and embarrassed by its presence in our society; however, where has this approach gotten us?

An African American friend told me that during the Italian invasion of Ethiopia, some of his family members had been willing to go to Africa and to fight on the side of Ethiopia, but later on were told that Ethiopians did not consider themselves as African and black so they did not go. That was nearly 70 years ago and what progress has been made through our silence? It is a pervasive part of our society that must be uncovered if it is to be corrected.

Some excuse it by saying such racism is only ignorance. That may be true, but it is also more than that because the consequences of this thinking have inflicted pain, suffering and even death. It is based on falsely measuring the worth of a human being on their skin color, rather than on the fact that every one of us equally reflects the image of God.

Therefore, black is not better than white or vice versa; nor are the shades in-between less or more valuable than the next; nor is a poor child less valuable than a wealthy man; nor is a well educated person more valuable than one who has been born with less ability to learn. If others can only feel better about themselves by pushing you, me or someone else down, why should we accept this as valid?

We now have an opportunity to face this issue that has never really been openly discussed. I believe Ethiopians are fully capable of hearing the truth and responding in ways that will build, not destroy, a society that must learn how to put humanity before ethnicity and to care for their neighbors because none of us will be free until we all are free.

I had the option to become angry and bitter, but instead chose to reach out to others
I would not be part of this struggle except for the December 13, 2003 massacre of 424 Anuak, followed by many more, perpetrated by Ethiopian troops who have still not been held accountable. What attitudes towards this minority group caused other Ethiopians, especially those from the dominant cultural groups, to ignore this horrific event as if it never happened or at least, was not important?

I had the option to become angry and bitter, but instead chose to reach out to others, believing that otherwise, this cycle of violence towards each other would never stop. What I have discovered is that despite the elitist attitudes and narrow-mindedness of some, I have met countless Ethiopians throughout the world from different tribes, regions, religions and backgrounds who are truly good and wonderful human beings. These are people who are not infected with this racist and tribal mentality that is tearing Ethiopia apart like wild animals attacking their prey.

This decision to reach out to Ethiopians was opposed by some within my own ethnic group because many of these “other” Ethiopians came from the same dominant ethnic groups who were held responsible for oppressing us in the past. I knew it would not be easy, but I knew it was what God wanted me to do, and that for me, it was the right and moral thing to do.

When I met with these Ethiopians from previously alienated groups, we discovered our mutual humanity and that the bonds of friendship and love can replace the chains of hatred and division. Hate, greed and the devaluation of other human beings have taken away the precious lives of many Anuak, but God can see that their lives are not lost in vain if it opens up new possibilities for major societal reconciliation and transformation in Ethiopia.
Our society can move ahead, not just one or two select groups—but all of us
I love my fellow Ethiopians and now I want diverse Ethiopians to love and value each other. This is the purpose of speaking frankly to you about life in Ethiopia from the perspective of those who have been left out for years. Some of the things I am going to say, you may not like, but it has to be said so all within our society can move ahead, not just one or two select groups—but all of us! Are we Ethiopians ready to break our “no talk” rule and begin our own Civil Rights Movement? We all are socialized to keep the truth about our systemic racism a secret from outsiders, but ask any minority or darker-skinned Ethiopian about its reality and they will say that it is a major factor affecting them in daily life and limiting opportunity for them and their children.
With the election of Obama, it becomes all the more confusing for some Ethiopians to know with whom to identify. If one identifies with Obama as being a minority who has finally “found a voice,” how does that translate into Ethiopian society? It has become an embarrassing predicament, but repressing the discussion will not make it go away.

Let us approach this issue with honesty, respect, civility and the expectation that change is not only possible, but is part of becoming a healthy and well-functioning society. However, this discussion cannot stop at skin-color, but it is also time for us to rethink our attitudes that use superficial distinctions such as ethnicity, gender, education, culture, language, religion and disability as the reason to dehumanize, marginalize, exclude, exploit or oppress others.

May I first clarify my belief that there are usually not clear and easy lines between people as being all good or all bad or as being only victims or only perpetrators for a victim can turn around and degrade others just like Meles has done. He went into to the bush to fight against human rights abuses only later to become what he fought against. However, in the case of Ethiopia, most would admit that the minorities of every type have remained at the bottom of our power structure. In fact, there are so many of them, that they could be the majority of the population of the country.

This entire issue of race, ethnicity, privilege and exclusion must be faced head on
If we are to build a “new Ethiopia”, this entire issue of race, ethnicity, privilege and exclusion must be faced head on. This is an invitation to all Ethiopian politicians, human rights activists, scholars, religious leaders, policymakers, community leaders and people at the grassroots level to come forward to participate in this discussion. There must be a unity of the people—not based on tribe—if there is to be a unity of the society. Let it start by acknowledging what has been going on.

To begin with, in the not so distant past, many of our fellow Ethiopians—especially those dark-skinned people from the southwest or south—were taken as slaves, frequently with the help of others from different tribes and ethnicities. Reminders of this sordid past are still around us and we cannot simply sweep them under the carpet.

For instance, the name of the river that runs through Gambella Town is the Openo River, but the river is still most frequently called the “Baros River” or “slave river.” from the Ge'ez ባሪያ or Baria’ for an individual and Barios for many (Baros river). There is also a little river east of Gambella town on the way to the highlands that is called “Baroskala.” In English it means “slave check point” or “slave border.”

Our dark-skinned people are still called “ባሪያ or Baria” or “Shanqella (Ge'ez ሻንቅላ)” throughout the country. This is not unusual, but instead, it is extremely common and we are talking about millions of people being included in these degrading categories. The whole of the ethnic groups in the Benishangul-Gumuz region are called “Shanqella” which is another word for slave in Amharic. The name of the region up until 1991 was always called “Shankalla.” When the Benishangul Liberation Movement was formed, they changed the name of the region to its current name of Benishangul-Gumuz, which means “land of gold.”






My job, in addition to defending human rights, has also evolved into defending Ethiopians to outsiders as not all being racist

Because of some of these things, my job, in addition to defending human rights, has also evolved into defending Ethiopians to outsiders as not all being racist, while at the same time informing them that all Ethiopians are not light-skinned, but that there are millions of Ethiopians within the country who are dark like me.

An African American from Washington D.C. who used to work for the US Embassy in Ethiopia told me, “Some of your fellow countrymen have to come to Washington D.C. to discover that they are black.” He said when he had worked in Ethiopia it was sometimes like being a black in the South during the sixties. I told him that this may be true, but I told him that this was not true of many Ethiopians because there were many wonderful Ethiopians who were rejecting this way of thinking. Unfortunately, this issue has repeatedly come up.

Another influential African policy decision-maker of African American descent told me he had gone to school “with some of Ethiopian in the fifties” who similarly denied being black. At the time, he said he told them that if they did not think they were black, they should go to the South in Alabama and try to vote. Do we Ethiopians condemn this kind of exclusion as wrong for whites in the South, pre-Civil Rights, while not confronting it in our own society as wrong in 2009?

While I was giving a lecture to students at Columbia University in 2007, a white human rights law professor asked a question in front of the group. He said, “I’ve been in Ethiopia and working with your people, but your people are racist against the dark-skinned people. How do you cope with them? If true human rights are to prevail, you are someday going to have to address racism.” Again, I said that it is not all Ethiopians, but only some.

In 2007, I was at a professional office with several other Ethiopian friends of light skin color. While there, a young African American woman, serving as an intern, walked in and another Ethiopian who just joined us turned to my friends and asked, “Where did this ባሪያ or baria come from?” No one responded because they knew I was there. The man who made the comment then looked at me and said, “Oh, I’m sorry.” Because the girl was still there, I tried to respectfully confront him in Amharic on this statement, but said nothing to the girl because I wondered what she would think of us.

At another time, I was with four Anuak in Calgary, Canada, when we went out to an Ethiopian restaurant. As we entered, the waitress spoke in Amharic to others, asking them whether Sudanese barias ate injera. One of the Anuak in our group was very upset and responded to the waitress in Amharic before walking out of the restaurant.

We dark-skinned minorities have been dealing with this for years and even though we can say it comes from one’s own ignorance, lack of education or need to feel superior to someone else, we cannot say it is not a big deal because it is a big deal to people who are repeatedly treated this way. The word in America for baria is the “n” word, which is not ever said; however, this is not the case in Ethiopia where it is widely accepted, regularly used to insult minorities and even “affectionately” used at times with darker skinned people within one’s own family or ethnic group.




For example, when I was in California, an Ethiopian invited me to dinner at the home of someone else and a comment was made about how calling someone a baria was a way they teased people in their own family about their darker skin color. One of two sisters present remarked how her sister never minded being called a baria, but her sister immediately challenged her, responding with some frustration and anger as she asked, “What makes you think I don’t mind, I just don’t want to deal with it!”

In July of 2008, during the Ethiopian soccer tournament in Washington D.C., while walking along, an older Ethiopian man stopped me and asked if I was Obang. I told him yes and he told me that he liked the work I was doing and asked if we could talk some time so I agreed to meet with him right then. He then pulled me aside and told me that he had been born in the north and was a darker-skinned Amhara.

He said that the “darkness issues” have never been addressed in Ethiopia and that he hoped that one day, I would speak to the public openly about it. He told me this was an issue ignored by even Mengistu who some people called him baria at the time he was a leader of the country because of his own dark skin. This man said that since he was a young man, he had been looking for a sense of belonging within his own country. He described how every time he had been called a baria, he had felt unloved and unaccepted. He explained how love was the reason we were all alive. He said that as a child, he used to ask himself after hearing these comments, “Where do I go then since this is my country?” Now and then, we still talk with each other. Other Ethiopians need to know what they are doing when they make these comments or exclude dark-skinned Ethiopians from being “fully Ethiopian.”

Another example was in London when I went to a hotel with my Ethiopian hosts who had picked me up from the train station. They were present as the woman checking me in the hotel commented that she did not know we were Ethiopians until we started speaking Amharic “because the guy with us (me) did not look Ethiopian.” My friend then said, “He is Ethiopia.” She then responded,” Well, he doesn’t look true Ethiopian.” My friend was visibly upset with her comment and kept apologizing for it.

Another friend from Toronto told me how painful it was being a darker-skinned Ethiopian from a light-skinned dominant ethnic group, similar to the man’s story above. He gave an example. He said he recently walked into a coffee shop and some unknown Ethiopians sitting down commented, “Who is this baria?” He said he replied, “No, no, no, I’m not a baria, I’m Ethiopian.” He said as someone from the north that he was “one of them,” making it all the more difficult to confront these insults that always seemed be accompanied with a certain sense of arrogance and superiority.

One man from the Southern Nations attended school in Bulgaria during the communist era and when he went to renew his visa status to continue his studies there, the Ethiopian Embassy Councilor called Ato Ayele Mekonin, did not believe him that he was Ethiopian despite the ID card he had and so they demanded that he return to Ethiopia. Some of his Bulgarian friends then helped him obtain authorization to remain to no credit of the Ethiopian Embassy. When he told me this two months ago in London, he questioned if people like this ambassador were in positions of hiring people, would they give a dark-skinned Ethiopian a job?

I personally have also experienced and witnessed some of this many times as have most every person who is a dark-skinned Ethiopian; however, one particularly outrageous experience occurred in July of 2003 I was in Addis Ababa and there was a soccer tournament between Ethiopia and Uganda, but every time the Ugandese team scored, the crowd started shouting and screaming “barios” and I knew the only reason that these insults were not directed at me was because I was not out on the field. After coming from Canada, this was a jolting experience to hear the widespread acceptance of such racial insults to guests in your own country. If I had spoken up, I was certain I would have provoked violence. It was an extremely painful experience.
Here is another example. After the Ethiopian and Eritrean war of 1998, the BBC went to cover what had happened and found exposed corpses of dead soldiers who had died defending Ethiopia. The reporters asked why they were never buried and were told that it was because they were the dark ones (from the south or Gambella) and no one wanted to bother burying them. When I read this, I cried. Can you imagine how the families of these dead soldiers would feel about this if they knew? These soldiers were being used to die for this country, but were not considered worthy enough for a burial. This is so sad. That article is still available on line for anyone who wants to check it out.

No wonder so many within the borders of Ethiopia want to break away from the country
This is an issue that has never come out and been dealt with openly for the last 3000 years. No wonder so many within the borders of Ethiopia want to break away from the country—the Afar, the Ogadeni, the people from South Nations, the Benishangul-Gumuz, the Oromo, the Gambellan. If you have people from six out of nine regions saying that they are not proud of being a citizen of this country and want to separate from Ethiopia, something must be wrong.

Not only have our current and past government leaders failed, so have the intellectuals, the political and civic leaders, the religious organizations, NGO’s and the public. But there is a light at the end of the tunnel if we: 1) genuinely acknowledge it as wrong and that change is needed and 2) individually and collectively work to bring acceptance, equality and opportunity to all Ethiopians.

I do not see many political and non political leaders speaking about this. We cannot simply focus on getting rid of Meles, but not offer something better. An Ethiopian from South Africa said this racism is the reason why many South Africans and others on the continent do not like Ethiopians; but he told me that if we deal with our racism and marginalization, other Africans would more likely embrace us.

The TPLF already are pretending to include minorities, but only on the surface. For instance, they have frequently assigned dark-skinned minorities to positions representing Ethiopia within the African continent or in places like the UN in Geneva in order to appear as if “African-looking” Ethiopians had a more meaningful role in Ethiopian society than they do. If we are to genuinely change, this cannot just be “faked”, because people know the truth.

In July of 2007, I met the Ethiopian Ambassador to the EU when I was in Germany. He pulled me aside and told me that I should be careful and stop what I was doing because the Amhara were using me. I asked him, “How are they using me?” He said that I should know they consider me a baria. My response was for him not to worry about me because if he thought they were using me, this is what his government had been doing for 17 years, otherwise a tiny minority ethnic group like his would not be ruling the country for that long. I also told him, “If your own government was not using others, why is it that the Ogadeni, the Gambellan, the Oromo and other ethnic groups in the liberation fronts that fought and died side by side with you are not included in your current government?

I concluded by telling the ambassador how ashamed and embarrassed I was to have someone representing Ethiopia to the European Union when he was there for the sake of his own tribe rather than for the sake of his nation. I also warned him that this kind of dehumanization of others, coupled with this manipulation, could lead to a bloodbath or the disintegration of this country.



We must now publicly act as I am convinced that Ethiopia has reached a tipping point.
In truth, we know that oppressed groups have repeatedly been manipulated by the TPLF through the TPLF’s pretense of sympathizing with them.They have a history of approaching individual groups separately, telling these marginalized groups—like the Anuak, the Oromo and others—that they have not been treated fairly by another ethnic group. But, their motive has not been justice, but a desire to stir up disunity, hatred and anger against “a common enemy.”

The problem is that many have fallen for this as there is always some truth mixed in with the lie and frequently, some bitterness towards past grievances on the part of the listener. At the time, I could see that the ambassador was trying to use the same tactic with me. This is also the motive of this current AigaForum article, but what he and others like him do not realize is that I am a totally free man. I can see that it is they who have the problem within themselves, not me.

I want to expose this for what it is in order to help rebuild our country because I see how many Ethiopians are now privately, but vehemently rejecting this racist point of view; however, we must now publicly act as I am convinced that Ethiopia has reached a tipping point. If we continue to push aside those who have been forever marginalized, we may not have a country. If Ethiopia is to move forward to a “New Ethiopia,” it is going to require new leadership and new thinking rather than the primitive thinking from a bygone feudal or imperialistic colonial age.

I also hear the disappointment of other Africans regarding the attitude of some Ethiopians towards the dark-skinned people. This rejection is more hurtful to Africans as a whole because much more has been expected from “Ethiopians” and our leaders have not met those expectations. For example, originally, most African slaves in America were seen as “Ethiopians” even in the early 1900’s, after their emancipation, when a great African American boxer emerged, Joe Louis, who overcame all his opponents until his first loss when people said, “The Ethiopian was finally defeated.” The word Ethiopia means, “black face,” and was seen by African Americans as their mother country; yet, some Ethiopians have never accepted or embraced them or other Africans.

Within Africa, Ethiopia has been highly esteemed for being the only African country to successfully defeat the colonialists. As a result of looking up to Ethiopians because of this, Ghana and many other African countries, when they achieved their own independence, took one color from the Ethiopian flag for their own flag. They also chose Ethiopia as the mother country of Africa and put the headquarters of the African Union in Addis Ababa. However, by rejecting our dark-skinned people, we are also rejecting our own African-ness. When are we going to de-colonize our Ethiopian minds?

When someone says “Ethiopia,” what does this mean?
For example, when someone says “Ethiopia,” what does this mean? Amhara? Tigrayan? Oromo? Is there an invisible list that one is required to go by? If so, who put this list in place anyway—not the “publicly spoken” list but the “real” list? Sadly, when minorities are in the room, their name and issues will be included, but if the minorities are not present, their name and their issues are not a priority or our inclusion as Ethiopians is forgotten.

For instance, my Ogadeni friend, who has always lived in Ethiopia is fully Ethiopian, but when he is with Ethiopian friends, he is frequently introduced as friend from Somalia. This is a common oversight because the question of my Ogadeni friend, or my own “Ethiopian-ness” has been mostly questioned over the years and even well meaning friends can slip into this. This is why change must be more deliberate and led by the countless open-minded Ethiopians, many of whom I have met.
For years, who is included or excluded for Ethiopian citizenship seems to shift according to what is advantageous to those in power at the time and this filters down to other levels. We must expose the double talk of our chameleon society that has repeatedly betrayed the trust between Ethiopians, especially between those in the entrenched systems of power and those who have been intentionally locked out.

Yet, not surprisingly, all the previous governments make sure these latter groups are not “locked out” during times of war when they are again needed for fighting while at the same time, the elite in power send their children abroad for a quality education in the western Countries. This smiling, praising and pretending that you care about someone, but then turning around and exploiting the person because they were trusting enough to believe you is too common in our dysfunctional society.

It is truly one of the most despicable things that anyone can do to a fellow human being. The sneakiness of it—preying on the trusting—makes it worse than being openly disrespectful. This devious part of our culture must be eradicated by good Ethiopians from every ethnicity, gender, political view and religion.

A nation that does not teach its truthful history will not go anywhere.
It is only through a genuine transformation of the present—replacing the past attitudes and actions with new experiences of respect and appreciation of each other—that the power of the memories of pain, hostility and alienation will fade away enough so we are able to move on. They will not fade though if they are not dealt with. A nation that does not teach its truthful history will not go anywhere. Look at America where people are taught about slavery. It has better enabled African Americans to rise to the top through their hard work, skill and creativity rather than to be regularly pushed aside.

We are also seeing hope for Ethiopia through wonderful Ethiopian people like our great singers, Gossaye Tesfaye and Teddy Afro who has brought inclusiveness and the message of true love for humanity through the lyrics of his songs. His music has brought more people together than some of our leaders who have led the country for years towards destruction rather than towards harmony, reconciliation, forgiveness, justice, peace and prosperity. It is these powerful truths about embracing of other people that led Teddy Afro to be targeted as an enemy of this government.

Some people may wonder why I am doing this human rights work. The reason is that I want justice, peace and the free pursuit of happiness to come to all people. Because of this, I feel compelled to confront any issues that devalue human life and that stand as obstacles to these goals, not just for me, but also for you, my fellow Ethiopian. In doing this, I also condemn ethnic politics because it marginalizes a whole society with the exception of the one tribe that is in power. Some people may disagree with my remarks, but the dialogue must begin if we are to survive as a people and as an Ethiopian family. This is why I always advocate for the unity of Ethiopia and even potentially, the unity of Africa.

Some may also ask how I deal with these issues myself and I will tell you. For me, my upbringing and my personal faith in Jesus Christ, who created me the way he wanted me, who gave his life for me, who loves me despite my flaws, who heals all my wounds and who can turn what is meant to destroy me into what can liberate me, has defeated all the arguments of those who devalue me based on superficial reasons that are grounded on lies. The same is true about my Ethiopian-ness.

No one within the geographical boundaries of Ethiopia is more Ethiopian than another. It is based on fact. In other words, I should not need to ask anyone else for the key to open the door to my own “home”—Ethiopia! It is already mine.
This allows me to wipe off this contaminated thinking like undesirable dust on my clothes or skin. Let me help you, my dear African brother or sister, to wipe the dust off your back and than you can pass it on and do the same to the next person until we are all clean of this destructive thinking.

I hope that more and more Ethiopians—including Meles, his supporters and others who think like them—will begin to notice the dust accumulating on their own clothes and skin so that as a nation we can once and for all embrace our African-ness and the full image of God reflected in every human being in this world. Let us be grateful for our full, rich, unique and beautiful humanity that comes down as a precious gift from our loving Almighty God.

Action Steps:
AigaForum’s endorsement of this article is an example of what has been happening for years to the disenfranchised people of Ethiopia; yet, it is their devaluation of other people that I am condemning and asking them to condemn, not them, for they are our fellow Ethiopians and our fellow human beings. For if some are convicted and recognize the wrong they have done, we must offer hope for the possibility of restored relationships if we are to ever have a New Ethiopia.

No other Ethiopia can provide a true home for us and give us the unity of which we speak. This unity is not a “nationalistic fervor about our flag or our language, but a unity of the people based on deep respect for human life. The unity we must embrace for the future must be the unity of the heart that is based on mutual trust, genuine acceptance and the God-given truth of our worth.

I will make several suggestions for action steps that different parties might take to positively resolve this issue and bring healing to Ethiopia.

We ask AigaForum to publicly condemn their article and apologize to Chairman Michael Steele, the Republican National Committee, the Solidarity Movement for a New Ethiopia and myself for the racially-based insults.
We ask the Ethiopian Embassy in Washington D.C to also condemn the article, condemn AigaForum’s posting of it and to condemn racism in Ethiopia due to what is believed to be their complicity with AigaForum in being a EPRDF propaganda machine in the Diaspora. Even if any relationship or complicity is denied, we ask that a formal statement be made condemning this type of degrading racial commentary.
We ask that the many Ethiopians who oppose such degradation of others, publicly condemn this by any means possible so that Ethiopians become known as people who uphold the rights, value and worth of all its citizens so that a few do not destroy the reputation of good Ethiopians who are ashamed and embarrassed by such attitudes and actions.
We ask that those Ethiopians who have contributed to the devaluation and demeaning of others based on skin color, culture, gender, religion, minority status or other superficial differences, cease from doing so; and instead, seek to mend broken relationships and to uphold and maintain the respect and dignity of all people.
Should not you and I treasure every one of our people as God equally treasures both them and us?
This article has been CC to: Michael Steele, the Chairman of the Republican National Committee, National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, (NAACP) and many more influential civil rights organizations in the United States.
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Please do not hesitate to email me if you have comments to: Obang@anuakjustice.org
Obang Metho, Executive Member of the Solidarity Movement for a New Ethiopia

What Price for a Reconciled Ethiopia?

By Obang Metho February 23, 2009

The responses we received to the last article put out by the Solidarity Movement for a New Ethiopia (SMNE), “AigaForum versus Obang Metho: Is there Racism in Ethiopia?,” were overwhelming and it has become clear that this issue of racism is something that must continue to be addressed. The purpose of this article is to give the public information on the responses we received and to offer suggestions to help us to productively move forward in this discussion. One of our main goal is the reconciliation of Ethiopians. more

Justice for an Ethiopian heroine

By Imirru Zelleke ǀ February 24, 2009

As posted on Addis Voice

This is a personal appeal, which I hope will be supported by all Ethiopians from whatever political or civic persuasion. It is a straight forward matter of human rights violation and the uncouth behavior by a fascist regime. Woyzero Birtukan Medekssa did not commit any crime or transgression of any law in the Ethiopian Legal nomenclature, but to stand for her rights as a citizen.

She was arrested and detained for 18 months with the other leaders of Kinijit, and subsequently has been elected President UEDF, a party that advocates PEACEFUL struggle, in what is supposed to be a free democratic process in Ethiopia. In the interview she gave to a community in Europe, her statement was conform to the conciliation agreement made trough the Group of Elders.

Her real crime was
a) to have refused to play in the Woyane Kangaroo Court and Justice system, from which she resigned her Judgeship and
b) b) to have become a popular leader, and an eventual threat to Meles’s political shenanigans.

Her arbitrary and illegal arrest, and a sentence to life imprisonment, a condemnation rarely given even to perpetrators of most vile crimes. Thousands other prisoners of conscience have been objects of the same abuses and violations of their basic rights by the EPRDF regime. Birtukan Merdeksa’s ordeal is symbol of the painful and criminally ruthless governance under which the Ethiopian people suffer.

I suggest that she be awarded the Nobel Prize as a peaceful activist and prisoner of conscience, not only on her behalf but also for the thousands of Ethiopian men and women that are languishing in Meles’s jail, without recourse of any justice. Ms Aung San Suu Kyi of Maynmar (Burma) received the Nobel Prize for the same reason andcause .

Please join me in this endeavor which is of concern for all of us who seek freedom and peace in Ethiopia.

Imru Zelleke

TEXT OF PRESIDENT BARACK OBAMA'S INAUGURAL ADDRESS

By The Associated Press

Text of President Barack Obama's inaugural address on Tuesday, as prepared for delivery and released by the Presidential Inaugural Committee.

OBAMA: My fellow citizens:

I stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you have bestowed, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors. I thank President Bush for his service to our nation, as well as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition.
Forty-four Americans have now taken the presidential oath. The words have been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace. Yet, every so often the oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging storms. At these moments, America has carried on not simply because of the skill or vision of those in high office, but because we the people have remained faithful to the ideals of our forebears, and true to our founding documents.
So it has been. So it must be with this generation of Americans.
That we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood. Our nation is at war, against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred. Our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsibility on the part of some, but also our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age. Homes have been lost; jobs shed; businesses shuttered. Our health care is too costly; our schools fail too many; and each day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our adversaries and threaten our planet.
These are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics. Less measurable but no less profound is a sapping of confidence across our land — a nagging fear that America's decline is inevitable, and that the next generation must lower its sights.
Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real. They are serious and they are many. They will not be met easily or in a short span of time. But know this, America — they will be met.
On this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord.
On this day, we come to proclaim an end to the petty grievances and false promises, the recriminations and worn out dogmas, that for far too long have strangled our politics.
We remain a young nation, but in the words of scripture, the time has come to set aside childish things. The time has come to reaffirm our enduring spirit; to choose our better history; to carry forward that precious gift, that noble idea, passed on from generation to generation: the God-given promise that all are equal, all are free and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness.
In reaffirming the greatness of our nation, we understand that greatness is never a given. It must be earned. Our journey has never been one of shortcuts or settling for less. It has not been the path for the faint-hearted — for those who prefer leisure over work, or seek only the pleasures of riches and fame. Rather, it has been the risk-takers, the doers, the makers of things — some celebrated but more often men and women obscure in their labor, who have carried us up the long, rugged path towards prosperity and freedom.
For us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across oceans in search of a new life.
For us, they toiled in sweatshops and settled the West; endured the lash of the whip and plowed the hard earth.
For us, they fought and died, in places like Concord and Gettysburg; Normandy and Khe Sahn.
Time and again these men and women struggled and sacrificed and worked till their hands were raw so that we might live a better life. They saw America as bigger than the sum of our individual ambitions; greater than all the differences of birth or wealth or faction.
This is the journey we continue today. We remain the most prosperous, powerful nation on Earth. Our workers are no less productive than when this crisis began. Our minds are no less inventive, our goods and services no less needed than they were last week or last month or last year. Our capacity remains undiminished. But our time of standing pat, of protecting narrow interests and putting off unpleasant decisions — that time has surely passed. Starting today, we must pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off, and begin again the work of remaking America.
For everywhere we look, there is work to be done. The state of the economy calls for action, bold and swift, and we will act — not only to create new jobs, but to lay a new foundation for growth. We will build the roads and bridges, the electric grids and digital lines that feed our commerce and bind us together. We will restore science to its rightful place, and wield technology's wonders to raise health care's quality and lower its cost. We will harness the sun and the winds and the soil to fuel our cars and run our factories. And we will transform our schools and colleges and universities to meet the demands of a new age. All this we can do. And all this we will do.
Now, there are some who question the scale of our ambitions — who suggest that our system cannot tolerate too many big plans. Their memories are short. For they have forgotten what this country has already done; what free men and women can achieve when imagination is joined to common purpose, and necessity to courage.
What the cynics fail to understand is that the ground has shifted beneath them — that the stale political arguments that have consumed us for so long no longer apply. The question we ask today is not whether our government is too big or too small, but whether it works — whether it helps families find jobs at a decent wage, care they can afford, a retirement that is dignified. Where the answer is yes, we intend to move forward. Where the answer is no, programs will end. And those of us who manage the public's dollars will be held to account — to spend wisely, reform bad habits, and do our business in the light of day — because only then can we restore the vital trust between a people and their government.
Nor is the question before us whether the market is a force for good or ill. Its power to generate wealth and expand freedom is unmatched, but this crisis has reminded us that without a watchful eye, the market can spin out of control — and that a nation cannot prosper long when it favors only the prosperous. The success of our economy has always depended not just on the size of our gross domestic product, but on the reach of our prosperity; on our ability to extend opportunity to every willing heart — not out of charity, but because it is the surest route to our common good.
As for our common defense, we reject as false the choice between our safety and our ideals. Our founding fathers, faced with perils we can scarcely imagine, drafted a charter to assure the rule of law and the rights of man, a charter expanded by the blood of generations. Those ideals still light the world, and we will not give them up for expedience's sake. And so to all other peoples and governments who are watching today, from the grandest capitals to the small village where my father was born: know that America is a friend of each nation and every man, woman, and child who seeks a future of peace and dignity, and that we are ready to lead once more.
Recall that earlier generations faced down fascism and communism not just with missiles and tanks, but with sturdy alliances and enduring convictions. They understood that our power alone cannot protect us, nor does it entitle us to do as we please. Instead, they knew that our power grows through its prudent use; our security emanates from the justness of our cause, the force of our example, the tempering qualities of humility and restraint.
We are the keepers of this legacy. Guided by these principles once more, we can meet those new threats that demand even greater effort — even greater cooperation and understanding between nations. We will begin to responsibly leave Iraq to its people, and forge a hard-earned peace in Afghanistan. With old friends and former foes, we will work tirelessly to lessen the nuclear threat, and roll back the specter of a warming planet. We will not apologize for our way of life, nor will we waver in its defense, and for those who seek to advance their aims by inducing terror and slaughtering innocents, we say to you now that our spirit is stronger and cannot be broken; you cannot outlast us, and we will defeat you.
For we know that our patchwork heritage is a strength, not a weakness. We are a nation of Christians and Muslims, Jews and Hindus — and non-believers. We are shaped by every language and culture, drawn from every end of this Earth; and because we have tasted the bitter swill of civil war and segregation, and emerged from that dark chapter stronger and more united, we cannot help but believe that the old hatreds shall someday pass; that the lines of tribe shall soon dissolve; that as the world grows smaller, our common humanity shall reveal itself; and that America must play its role in ushering in a new era of peace.
To the Muslim world, we seek a new way forward, based on mutual interest and mutual respect. To those leaders around the globe who seek to sow conflict, or blame their society's ills on the West — know that your people will judge you on what you can build, not what you destroy. To those who cling to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dissent, know that you are on the wrong side of history; but that we will extend a hand if you are willing to unclench your fist.
To the people of poor nations, we pledge to work alongside you to make your farms flourish and let clean waters flow; to nourish starved bodies and feed hungry minds. And to those nations like ours that enjoy relative plenty, we say we can no longer afford indifference to suffering outside our borders; nor can we consume the world's resources without regard to effect. For the world has changed, and we must change with it.
As we consider the road that unfolds before us, we remember with humble gratitude those brave Americans who, at this very hour, patrol far-off deserts and distant mountains. They have something to tell us today, just as the fallen heroes who lie in Arlington whisper through the ages. We honor them not only because they are guardians of our liberty, but because they embody the spirit of service; a willingness to find meaning in something greater than themselves. And yet, at this moment — a moment that will define a generation — it is precisely this spirit that must inhabit us all.
For as much as government can do and must do, it is ultimately the faith and determination of the American people upon which this nation relies. It is the kindness to take in a stranger when the levees break, the selflessness of workers who would rather cut their hours than see a friend lose their job which sees us through our darkest hours. It is the firefighter's courage to storm a stairway filled with smoke, but also a parent's willingness to nurture a child, that finally decides our fate.
Our challenges may be new. The instruments with which we meet them may be new. But those values upon which our success depends — hard work and honesty, courage and fair play, tolerance and curiosity, loyalty and patriotism — these things are old. These things are true. They have been the quiet force of progress throughout our history. What is demanded then is a return to these truths. What is required of us now is a new era of responsibility — a recognition, on the part of every American, that we have duties to ourselves, our nation, and the world, duties that we do not grudgingly accept but rather seize gladly, firm in the knowledge that there is nothing so satisfying to the spirit, so defining of our character, than giving our all to a difficult task.
This is the price and the promise of citizenship.
This is the source of our confidence — the knowledge that God calls on us to shape an uncertain destiny.
This is the meaning of our liberty and our creed — why men and women and children of every race and every faith can join in celebration across this magnificent mall, and why a man whose father less than sixty years ago might not have been served at a local restaurant can now stand before you to take a most sacred oath.
So let us mark this day with remembrance, of who we are and how far we have traveled. In the year of America's birth, in the coldest of months, a small band of patriots huddled by dying campfires on the shores of an icy river. The capital was abandoned. The enemy was advancing. The snow was stained with blood. At a moment when the outcome of our revolution was most in doubt, the father of our nation ordered these words be read to the people:
"Let it be told to the future world ... that in the depth of winter, when nothing but hope and virtue could survive...that the city and the country, alarmed at one common danger, came forth to meet (it)."
America, in the face of our common dangers, in this winter of our hardship, let us remember these timeless words. With hope and virtue, let us brave once more the icy currents, and endure what storms may come. Let it be said by our children's children that when we were tested we refused to let this journey end, that we did not turn back nor did we falter; and with eyes fixed on the horizon and God's grace upon us, we carried forth that great gift of freedom and delivered it safely to future generations.

BIRTUKAN MIDEKSA AND TEDDY AFRO: 2008 NEGARIT ETHIOPIA’S PERSONS OF THE YEAR

Birtukan Mideksa is our 2008 Negarit Ethiopia’s Person of the Year. Here is why.

Courtesy of: Bloomberg (January 8, 2009)

While she was working for the federal judiciary, Mideksa was appointed to be a judge at the 3rd district court of the court. During that time, she presided over a high profile case of the former defense minister and top ranking official of TPLF, Siye Abraha. She set the defendant free on bail just to be surprised by the government authorities arrested him minutes later while he was walking out of the court accompanied by his family and friends. Later on, she got several warnings and threats from government security agents which proved her clearly that independence of the judiciary was only on papers.

Later, Britukan decided to join a political party to bring about a fast change in the country, including superiority of the rule of law, and a full respect and implementation of the constitution which proved first hand not in place while serving as a judge. She joined RAINBOW party and later CUDP after a coalition of four parties. After election 2005, at which her party won, and the governing party started to round opposition party leaders including her. They spent two years in prison and were freed in late 2007. She later founded UDJ (Unity for Democracy and Justice) with the same principles followed by CUDP. The need for having the new party name came from the fact that the ruling party's election commission awarded to a splinter group from CUDP (aka Kinijit). Birtukan is elected to be a chairperson of the UDJ party which has a motto of bringing about change in Ethiopia in a peaceful means.

EPRDF jailed Birtukan for life on Dec. 29 following a dispute with the government, mainly due to her unadulterated commitment to bring change. As of know our information shows that Birtkuan is in her 10th day of a hunger strike. Birtukan Mideksa, 34, has been taking only juice and water and is being held in solitary confinement in a windowless 3-meter by 4-meter (10-foot by 13-foot) cell in Ethiopia’s Kaliti prison. Prison officials have banned all visitors except her mother and 3-year-old daughter. Her family had been unable to hire a lawyer for her because those contacted on her behalf have turned her down as a client, fearing government reprisals. Birtukan, a leader of the now-dissolved Coalition for Unity and Democracy party, was first jailed after Ethiopia’s 2005 elections, in which the CUD claimed victory. She and dozens of other opposition leaders were sentenced to life in prison, though they were released in 2007 after a pardon agreement with the government of Prime Minister Meles Zenawi.

She was re-arrested Dec. 29 after she rejected government demands that she make a public statement saying she had formally requested the original pardon. ‘Humane Condition’ Bereket Simon, an adviser to Zenawi, said he wasn’t aware of Mideksa’s fast. “We have a prison system whereby we hold prisoners in a humane condition,” Simon said. “This is a case where she has said that she didn’t ask for pardon and the decision of the judiciary is being applied. At this point, I don’t think it requires intervention by lawyers.” Simon also said the government wasn’t interested in potential mediation efforts by the independent group that negotiated Mideksa’s initial release. Following their release in 2007, some former CUD leaders chose exile in the U.S. or U.K. Mideksa stayed in Ethiopia and formed a new party that planned to contest the 2010 elections. “Look what has happened to her,” said Berhanu Nega, who along with Mideksa led the CUD movement in 2005, in a phone interview from Lewisburg, Pennsylvania. The government “will never allow any peaceful transition in that country.” The U.S., which views Ethiopia as a key ally in the fight against terrorism, offered a rare rebuke to Zenawi’s government following Mideksa’s arrest, warning Ethiopia to avoid steps that appear to “criminalize dissent.”

Teddy “afro” Kassahun shares the Honor of Negarit Ethiopia’s Person of the Year with Birtukan. Here is why.

In 2001, Teddy released his second album, Abugida, named after the Abugida syllabary of the Ge'ez language. Several tracks quickly caught the ear of many listeners in Ethiopia - Halieselassie, a tribute to the late Emperor of Ethiopia Haile Selassie I; Haile, Haile, a single in honor of the Olympic long distance champion Haile Gebrselassie; and Mona Lisa, a song about the measure of human beauty.

His third album, Yasteseryal, was released in 2005. The release of this album coincided with elevated political tension in Ethiopia surrounding the Ethiopian general election, 2005. His politically and socially inspired songs vibrated a call for unity and peace and made the 17 years of TPLF-led government in power concerned. Consequently the government banned four songs including "Yasteseryal" from playing on radios and TV (http://www.ethiopianreview.com/forum/viewtopic.php?f=2&t=10689&p=53228 ). "Yasetseryal" claims that there is no real change in Ethiopia besides a new government, it also states that the Tigray People's Liberation Front(TPLF)fight against the fascist Derg is nothing but an infamous military junta. Listen a beautiful commentary about the song on National Public Radio (NPR)(http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=10819101 ) The song was not welcomed by the government but greatly accepted by the people and became one of the best selling albums of the year .

As a revenge for his Yasteseryal, EPRDF implanted a serious case for Teddy. He was accused of being involved in a fatal car accident, Killing a man and DUI which occurred more than 18 months ago, and was imprisoned at Kality prison in Addis Ababa in April 2008. Teddy has pleaded not guilty to these allegations, and his court case and imprisonment have been national talking points in Ethiopia. On 1st December 2008 Afro was found guilty of running a man down in his car, driving away without reporting the incident, and driving without a license. The final verdict heard on December 5, 2008 and the judge ordered him to serve a six-year prison term and pay a fine of 18,000 Birr (apr. 1800 USD). Many Ethiopians see his imprisonment as TPLF-led government attack on symbols of Ethiopian unity and freedom of speech (http://articles.latimes.com/2008/aug/11/world/fg-ethiopia11 ).

Ethiopia imposes aid agency curbs

BBC NEWS

Ethiopia's parliament has passed a controversial bill imposing tight restrictions on aid agencies.
Foreign agencies are prohibited from a number of areas including human rights, equality, conflict resolution and the rights of children.
Local groups that receive more than 10% of their funding from abroad are also banned from working in these areas.
Under discussion for months, the bill has already been considerably modified amid objections from aid organisations.
Parliament approved the legislation on Tuesday - Orthodox Christmas Eve - by 327 votes to 79, according to the AFP news agency, before members headed home for the holiday.
The BBC's Elizabeth Blunt in Addis Ababa says at the heart of the bill and causing the most fuss is a clause aimed at preventing foreign interference in issues which the government believes should be a purely Ethiopian affair.
She says some of the organisations affected, like the Ethiopian Human Rights Council, could be seen as political and have long been a thorn in the government's flesh.
But, she adds, if the law is rigorously applied it could also catch much less controversial groups which are doing valuable work but would never be able to fund their activities from purely local sources.
The bill bans international non-governmental organisations (NGOs) from five sorts of activity:
• The advancement of human and democratic rights
• The promotion of equality between peoples, sexes or religions
• Campaigning for children's rights or the rights of the disabled
• Conflict resolution and reconciliation
• Work on criminal justice issues.
The bill's provisions imposing the same restrictions on Ethiopian NGOs which receive more than 10% of their funding from foreign sources will affect many agencies, according to our correspondent.
She says this is because a number of foreign donors prefer to channel their aid through the voluntary sector rather than giving it to the government.
A defence of the bill published by the ruling party described this attitude as a neo-liberalist concept which sees African governments as obstacles to development.
The government denies the bill is intended to restrict aid work.
"Civil organisations will be able to function without hindrances. They won't face restrictions as long as they respect the country's laws," government whip Hailemariam Desalegn said.
'Very difficult'
But opposition MP Temesgen Zewdie was quoted by AFP as telling MPs before the vote: "As far as we're concerned, it's an attempt by the ruling party to banish all those it sees as a threat to its tight grip on power."
Madhere Paulos director of the Ethiopian Women Lawyers' Association told the BBC that 99% of its funding to provide legal aid to women currently comes from abroad.
She said her members would continue to give up their time for free.
"But when we think about the premises, when we think about the court fees that we pay for our clients, the transportation, the medical fees for those who are victims of rape and sexual violence, it's very difficult to think of only using voluntary contributions."
The US government in particular has protested loudly to the Horn of Africa nation about the proposals, but to very little effect, says our correspondent.
Ethiopia is among the world's top aid recipients.

Source: http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/7814145.stm